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v^ 


viNG  Issues  of 
The  Campaign  of  iqoo 


ITS  Men  and  Principles 

COVERING  EVERY  PHASE  OF 

THE  VITAL  QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY;  EXPANSlOrN'  AND  OUR 

NEW  POSSESSIONS;  TRUSTS  AND  MONOPOLIES; 

IMPERIALISM;   WAR  TAXES;   ETC. 

INCLUDING  THE 

Platforms  of    All    Parties  and  Biographies 
of  the  Presidential  Candidates 

TOGETHER  WITH 

A  PORTRAIT  GALLERY  OF  NATIONAL   CELEBRITIES— COM- 
PRISING PHOTOTYPE  AND  OTHER  PORTRAITS  OF 
ALL  FORMER  PRESIDENTS  AND  LEADING 
STATESMEN  OF  OUR  TIMES 

THE  WHOLE  FORMING  A 

Complete  Handbook  of  Political  Information 
Voter's  Guide  and  Instructor 

By  LAWRENCE  F.  PRESCOTT 

The  well-known  author 
WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

HON.  JAMES  R.  YOUNG 

Member  of  Congress  and  formerly  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  Senate 


P7^ 


ENTERED    ACCORDING    TO   ACT    OF    CONGRESS,    IN    THE    YEAR    1B00,    BV 

GEORGE  W.  BERTRON 

fN   THE   OFFICE   OF    THE    LIBRARIAN    OF    CONGRESS,    AT    WASHINGTON,    D.  C 


INTRODUCTION. 


i^ 


Hh,  issues  of  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1900  are  the  most  important  in  the  history 
of  our  country  since  the  great  struggle  of 
the  Civil  War.  Policies  and  principles  are  being 
earnestly  discussed  by  the  whole  American  peo- 
ple, and  questions  of  grave  import  are  to  be 
settled  by  the  sovereign  prerogative  of  our  na- 
tion's electors : 

"  A  weapon  that  comes  down  as  still 
As  snowflakes  fall  upon  the  sod  ; 
But  executes  a  freeman's  will, 

As  lightning  does  the  will  of  God  ; 
And  from  its  force  nor  doors  nor  locks 
Can  shield  you — 'tis  the  ballot-box." 

John  Pierpont. 

The  problems  at  issue  possess  an  importance 
that  rises  far  above  the  question  of  the  candidates 
themselves.  The  men  who  are  the  great  leaders 
of  their  respective  parties  in  this  campaign  take 
secondary  place  to  the  principles  and  issues  that 
will  be  decided  at  the  polls. 

We  have  made  history  very  rapidly  in  the  last 
four  years.  Unexpected! 3^  we  liave  been  called 
to    unsheathe    the    sword    and    send    fortli    our 


il  INTRODUCTION. 

armies.  Our  patriotism  has  had  another  superb 
vindication.  Our  flag  has  been  carried  through 
the  storm  of  battle  with  a  daring  and  intrepedity 
such  as  gave  it  glory  on  fields  that  have  become 
historic.  Was  there  ever  a  nation  that  respond- 
ed more  nobly  in  any  great  crisis  than  ours  has 
done  during  the  present  administration  ?  Intel- 
ligent American  citizens  can  be  trusted  to  defend 
our  nation's  honor,  and  advance  the  welfare  of 
our  people. 

Spain  has  been  driven  from  the  Western  hemi- 
sphere, but  our  brilliant  victories  have  left  be- 
hind them  questions  of  national  policy  concern- 
ing which  every  voter  needs  information  that 
will  guide  him  to  a  wise  decision  in  the  exercise 
of  the  franchise.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
other  questions  which  enter  into  this  campaign. 
To  furnish  just  the  information  that  every  voter 
is  anxious  to  obtain,  is  the  object  of  this  volume. 
A  vast  storehouse  of  truth,  plain,  simple  and 
unvarnished,  renders  this  a  most  valuable  work 
for  every  citizen. 

It  tells  the  story  of  former  Presidential  cam- 
paigns, political  parties  and  statesmen.  In  the 
light  of  the  past  and  the  revelations  of  truth  as 
here  set  forth,  every  one  will  be  enabled  to  cast 
his  vote  intelligently  and  wisely  upon  the  great 
issues  of  "  Expansion  and  Our  New  Possessions," 
"  Trusts  and  Imperialism,"  ''  War  Taxes,"  etc., 


INTRODUCTION.  iH 

etc.  These  momentous  questions  are  eloquently 
discussed  and  expounded  by  tlie  great  cliampions 
and  apostles  of  each  doctrine. 

Since  the  rising  war  cloud  of  1859-60  which 
deluged  our  country  in  the  blood  of  brothers, 
our  nation  has  not  been  so  agitated,  divided  and 
excited  as  it  is  to-day,  from  ocean  to  ocean — North, 
South ,  East  and  West  —  on  the  foregoing  questions. 
These  must  necessarily  be  the  great  issues  of  this 
campaign ;  and  their  settlement  is  fraught  with 
consequences  of  the  gravest  character. 

Every  intelligent  reader  will  here  find  just  the 
information  most  needed  to  help  him  to  a  wise 
and  patriotic  decision. 

In  addition  to  very  important  statistics,  furn- 
ishing the  reader  with  a  vast  amount  of  historical 
information,  this  work  contains  full  biographies 
of  the  leading  statesmen  of  our  country.  These 
are  the  great  leaders  of  political  thought  and 
opinion,  and  they  are  here  sketched  with  a  mas- 
terly hand.  The  most  distinguished  names  now 
before  the  public  are  comprised  in  this  list. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  every  possible  feature 
which  can  give  interest  and  value  to  a  campaign 
book,  appears  in  this  grand  work.  It  places  the 
parties  and  their  candidates  side  by  side,  and 
enables  the  voter  to  compare  their  respective 
merits. 


0^ 


^^^•^ 


I 


WILLIAM    Mckinley 

PRESIDLNT   'v.F   THE   UNITED  STATES 


SENATOR     M.     A.     HANNA 

CHAIRFv/lAN    OF   THE    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    COMMITTEE 


Hon.  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 


Republican  Nominee  for  the  Presidency, 


His  Life  and  Public  Serviceb. 
OELDOM  in  the  public  life  of  the  statesmen  of 
this  republic  has  the  wisdom  of  pertinacious, 
continuous  application  to  one  broad  issue  of  na- 
tional policy  as  a  road  to  highest  preferment  been 
so  completely  approved  as  in  the  career  of  Presi- 
dent William  McKinley,  renominated  for  Presi- 
dent by  the  Philadelphia  Convention.  Twice  his 
conspicuous  championship  of  protection  and  home 
markets  for  American  workmen  almost  stampeded 
conventions  to  his  nomination,  when  acceptance 
would  have  been  violative  of  the  high  stand,  and 
of  personal  honor,  which  has  marked  his  public 
and  private  life. 

Quiet,  dignified,  modest,  considerate  of  others, 
ever  ready  to  postpone  his  own  ambitions  in  favor 
of  those  of  veterans  of  longer  service,  faithful  to 
friends,  unwavering  in  integrity,  tactful  in  silencing 
opposition,  but  unyielding  in  matters  of  principle, 
strong  in  his  sympathy  with  the  toilers,  unchanged 
by  success,  resilient  in  hope  under  defeat,  of  un- 
2  17 


18  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

spotted  private  life,  he  has  won  his  way  to  the 
top  as  one  of  the  best  examples  of  courageous,  per- 
severing, vigorous  manhood  that  the  nation  has 
ever  produced. 

More  than  any  other  who  has  reached  his  proud 
pre-eminence,  save  only  Abraham  Lincoln,  his 
touch  is  closest  with  those  '^ plain  people"  upon 
whom  the  martyred  President  relied  with  such 
unhesitating  confidence. 

While  yet  a  youth  he  marched  in  the  ranks,  a 
private  soldier,  and  saw  four  years  of  the  bloody 
struggle  which  made  the  country  all  free.  In 
poverty  he  wrought-  to  acquire  his  profession. 
These  years  of  self-denial  brought  with  them  the 
self-reliance  and  self-control  which  fruited  in  his 
leadership  on  the  floor  of  Congress  at  an  age  when 
no  other  American  save  Henry  Clay  had  ever 
achieved  similar  prominence. 

He  bore  his  part  in  great  debates  in  a  manner 
quiet,  self-possessed  and  dignified.  His  incisive 
logic,  caustic  raillery  at  antagonists,  and  sarcastic 
comments  on  the  shortcomings  of  his  own  party 
gave  him  a  mastery  in  debate  which  won  the  ad- 
miration even  of  those  who  opposed  him.  Mr. 
McKinley's  personality,  like  his  career,  is  the  fruit 
of  a  peculiarly  logical  and  systematic  character. 
Where  others  knew  superficially  he  knew  thor- 
oughly. 

This  thoroughness  and  skill  in  handling  a  slen- 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  19 

der  majority  of  twenty-two  enabled  him  to  pass 
that  tariff  bill  which  bears  his  name,  which  found 
less  favor  when  enacted  than  it  has  enjoyed  since 
its  revision.  He  now  stands  as  the  embodiment 
and  apostle  of  that  principle. 

Strong  Hold  on  the  Masses. 

It  is  not  easy  always  to  analyze  the  causes  of  a 
popular  favorite's  hold  upon  the  masses.  High 
principle,  personal  magnetism,  gallantry,  boldness 
even  to  rashness,  great  skill  in  debate  or  ability  as 
a  platform  orator — all  these  may  in  turn  be  cited 
as  reasons  why  a  man  should  be  liked  or  respect  ^d. 
But  to  awake  the  love  and  warmest  admiration  of 
a  people  requires  qualities  which  well  nigh  defy 
analysis.  It  has  been  Mr.  McKinley's  good  for- 
tune to  be  able  to  offer  a  very  large  class  of  his 
fellow-citizens  just  what  they  seemed  to  need. 

He  aroused  and  attracted  their  sympathies,  and 
this  tremendous  logical  fact  is  what  brought  about 
the  overwhelming  ground-swell  which  swept  other 
aspirants  off  their  feet,  and  landed  him  an  easy 
winner  over  men  of  larger  public  service  and 
greater  brilliance  in  many  of  the  attributes  of 
statesmanship.  "All  things  come  to  him  who 
waits,"  and  William  McKinley's  self-denial  has 
received  its  great  reward. 

Mr.  McKiuley  has  a  long  expectation  of  life  if 
the  longevity  of  his   parents  can  be  taken  as  an 


20  LIFE  OF  -WIT  LI  AM  McKINLEY. 

indication.  His  father,  William  McKinley,  Sr., 
died  in  1893,  at  the  ripe  age  of  So,  and  his  moth- 
er, Mrs.  Nancy  McKinley,  died  not  long  ago  at 
Canton,  the  proud  recipient  of  the  filial  attentions 
of  her  distinguished  son.  Mrs.  Nancy  McKinley's 
father  was. of  German. birth,  and  her  mother  was 
of  Scotch  descent.  William  McKinley,  Sr.'s, 
grandfather  \x>as  a  ^otch-Irishman,  and  his  mother 
was  an  Englisiiwoman.  Mr.  McKinley,  Sr.,  was 
born  in  Mercer  County,  Pa.,  but  his  family  moved 
to  New  Lisbon,  Columbiana  County.  0.,  in  1809, 
where  for  many  years  he  was  manager  of  a  blast 
furnace. 

It  was  in  New  Lisbon  that  he  met  his  wife, 
whom  he  married  in  1838.  Two  sons,  David  and 
James,  were  born  there,  but  owing  to  lack  of  edu- 
cational facilities  the  father  established  his  family 
in  a  little  house  in  Niles,  Trumbull  County.  It 
was  in  this  house  that  William  McKinley  was  born, 
February  26,  1844.  It  is  worth  remark  that  a 
considerable  number  of  prominent  Americans  were 
natives  of  counties  of  Ohio  in  the  near  vicinity  of 
Niles. 

Cuyahoga,  thirty  miles  away,  was  the  birthplace 
of  James  A.  Garfield.  Senator  Allison,  of  Iowa, 
lived  only  thirty  miles  from  Canton,  and  Senator 
Manderson,  of  Nebraska,  lived  and  married  only 
fifteen  miles  from  that  city.  Ex-Senator  Thomas 
Collier  Piatt  kept  store  at  one  time  in  Massillon, 


3g*-^ '  ^wmh^^^»ms'Wim' 


^>;^'^''"?/jig»K^'^»'r;^'y 


''^^0" 


^^^K 
Si^ 


COPYRIGHT,   1898,   BY  GEO.   G.   ROCKWOOD,   N. 

COLONEL    THEODORE    ROOSEVELT 


SENATOR     HENRY    CABOT     LODGE    OF    MASSACHUSETTS 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  21 

only  eight  miles  away,  and  Senator  Quay's  home 
at  Beaver  is  only  sixty  miles  off.  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  was  a  native  of  Delaware  County,  near  by, 
and  Senator  Sherman  and  General  William  T. 
Sherman  were  born  and  reared  at  Lancaster,  0., 
less  than  a  hundred  miles  away. 

Several  of  Mr.  McKinley's  brothers  and  sisters 
died  in  infancy.  His  oldest  brother,  David,  is  a 
resident  of  San  FrancL«=!CO,  where  he  discharges  the 
duty  of  Hawaiian  Consul  to  the  United  States. 
James,  the  next  older  brother,  died  about  1890. 
Abner,  a  younger  brother,  is  engaged  in  business  in 
New  York.  William  McKinley  entered  the  village 
school  in  Poland,  to  which  his  family  had  removed^ 
when  only  five  years  old.  He  remained  in  th^ 
schools  of  that  town  until  in  his  seventeenth  year, 
when  he  made  enough  money  by  teaching  in  a 
near  by  district  public  school  to  pay  his  matricula- 
tion fees  in  Allegheny  College. 

He  remained  at  the  college  only  a  few  weeks 
when  the  call  to  arms  for  the  Civil  War  came,  and 
the  pale-faced,  grey-eyed,  earnest  and  patriotic 
young  student  flung  aside  his  books  and  decided  to 
shoulder  a  musket  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  This  step  was  taken  only  after  earnest 
conference  with  his  parents.  Owing  to  his  youth 
and  physical  immaturity  they  were  loath  to  con- 
sent to  interruption  of  his  studies  and  the  incident 
exposure  to  the  hardships  of  campaigning. 


22  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

But  the  enthusiastic  patriotism  of  the  youth 
kindled  like  emotion  in  the  Scotch-Irish  blood  of 
his  parents  and  bore  down  their  opposition,  for 
they  saw  that  in  spite  of  his  youth  there  was 
plenty  of  fighting  stuff  in  him.  And  so  his  edu- 
cation in  books  ended,  and  that  broader  education 
of  stirring  events  and  the  ways  of  men  began. 

A  Private  in  the  Ranks. 

Young  McKinley  entered  the  Union  army  a 
mere  stripling,  without  influence  or  powerful 
friends,  with  only  a  heart  brimful  of  patriotism 
and  love  for  his  flag.  He  joined  a  company  of 
volunteers  from  his  own  neighborhood,  which,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  time,  took  the  pretentious  name 
of  "The  Poland  Guards."  The  company  had 
already  selected  its  officers.  The  captain,  a  youth 
named  Zimmerman,  was  chosen  because  of  brief 
service  in  a  Pennsylvania  militia  company,  in 
which  he  had  learned  the  facings  and  a  few  other 
rudiments  of  the  school  of  the  soldier.  He  was 
the  only  man  in  the  company  who  had  any  military 
^^^raining  whatever. 

Another  young  fellow  named  Race  was  first 
■lieutenant,  and  J.  L.  Botsford,  second  lieutenant. 
This  company  was  mustered  into  the  volunteer 
service  at  Columbus  by  General  John  C.  Fremont 
in  June,  1861,  and  was  attached  to  the  Twentj^^- 
thiri  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry,  of  which  William 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM   McKINLEY.  23 

S.  Rosecranz  was  colonel  and  Rutherford  B.  Hayes 
major. 

The  regiment  saw  service  first  in  General  George 
B.  McClellan's  campaign  in  the  Kanawha,  which 
wrested  West  Virginia  from  the  parent  State  and 
added  another  star  to  the  sisterhood  of  States.  It 
was  a  campaign  of  few  battles,  hard  marches  and 
plenty  of  experience  in  the  hardships  of  soldier- 
ing. Of  the  fourteen  months  which  McKinley 
served  in  the  ranks  he  recently  said :  "  I  always 
look  back  with  pleasure  on  those  fourteen  months 
of  soldiering.  They  taught  me  a  great  deal.  I 
was  only  a  school- boy  when  I  entered  the  ranks, 
and  that  year  was  the  formative  period  of  my  life, 
during  which  I  learned  miich  of  men  and  affairs. 
I  have  always  been  glad  that  I  entered  the  ser- 
vice as  a  private." 

Promotion  came  to  him  after  Antietam.  Dur- 
ing that  battle  he  was  acting  commissary  for  his 
company,  and  in  the  heat  of  the  fight  he  took 
cooked  rations  to  the  front  to  feed  his  hungry 
comrades  who  had  been  in  battle  line  for  twenty- 
four  hours.  The  fighters  fell  back  in  squads  to 
refresh  themselves,  and  were  loud  in  praises  of 
McKinley 's  thoughtfulness.  He  obtained  furlough 
a  few  days  after  the  battle. 

On  his  way  home  he  passed  through  Columbus 
and  paid  his  respects  to  Governor  Tod,  who  surprised 
the   young  volunteer  by   presenting  him  with  a 


24  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

second  lieutenant's  commission.  General  Hayes, 
who  had  been  wounded  at  the  battle,  was  home 
and  recommended  the  promotion.  This  was  Sep- 
tember 24,  1862.  February  7,  1863,  he  was  pro- 
moted to  first  lieutenant,  and  on  July  25,  1864, 
captain.  This  latter  promotion  was  supplemented 
by  his  appointment  as  adjutant-general  of  his 
brigade,  and  he  remained  upon  the  staff  until  mus- 
tered out  in  July,  1865. 

It  was  as  assistant  adjutant-general  that  he  went 
through  Sheridan's  famous  campaigns  in  the  Shen- 
andoah Valley.  While  on  his  way  to  Winchester 
Sheridan  found  young  McKinley,  then  only  20 
years  old,  rallying  the  panic-stricken  troops  at 
Cedar  Creek,  and  at  Berry ville  the  young  officer's 
horse  was  killed  under  him.  "  For  gallant  and 
meritorious  services  at  the  battle  of  the  Opiquan, 
Cedar  Creek  and  Fisher's  Hill,"  reads  his  commis- 
sion as  brevet-major,  and  it  is  signed  ^^  A.  Lincoln." 

Thus  William  McKinley,  at  a  time  of  his  life 
when  most  young  men  are  at  school  or  preparing 
for  professional  life,  had  experience  in  over  four 
years  of  active  warfare  and  had  contributed  as 
many  years  of  his  life  to  active  military  service 
of  his  country  as  any  veteran  of  the  Civil  War. 
This  is  one  of  the  potent  holds  he  has  upon  the 
young  men  of  the  country  who  have  steadily  held 
him  in  view  as  a  paragon  of  youthful  courage  and 
patriotisna. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  25 

Enters  the  Profession  of  Law. 

The  war  over,  McKinley  found  himself  at  22,  a 
man  without  a  profession  and  without  means  to 
live  on.  Military  life  still  had  many  fascinations 
for  him,  and  a  commission  in  the  regular  army 
was  within  the  reach  of  the  influence  he  was  now 
able  to  exert.  That  would  at  least  provide  him 
with  a  living,  and  the  temptation  was  strong.  His 
sister,  Miss  Anna  McKinley,  a  woman  of  fine 
judgment  and  strong  character,  had  already  estab- 
lished herself  as  a  school  teacher  in  Canton,  0., 
and  she  proved  to  be  the  pioneer  of  the  McKinley 
family  in  Stark  County.  It  was  largely  due  to 
her  forceful  arguments  that  the  young  soldier  laid 
off  his  uniform  and  devoted  himself  to  study  of 
the  law. 

This  period  of  three  years  between  the  time  he 
left  the  military  service  in  1865  and  the  day  he 
received  his  diploma  from  the  Law  School  at 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  in  1868,  is  one  of  which  few  facts 
are  known.  The  man  who  knows  all  about  the 
difficulties  and  struggles  with  lean  purse  and  long 
ambition  that  marked  those  years  has  never  taken 
any  one  into  liis  confidence  concerning  them.  He 
had  the  advantage  of  the  law  library  of  Judge 
Glidden,  in  whose  office  he  was  entered  as  law  stu- 
dent. That  able  jurist  took  great  interest  in  his 
pupil    and   gave   him    freely   of    his   knowledge. 


2^  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

When  the  young  man  was  at  last  admitted  to  the 
bar  Judge  Glidden  gave  him  his  first  case. 

It  came  about  thus :  McKinley  had  found  a 
hole  in  the  wall  outside  of  which  he  stuck  up  Vis 
shingle  as  a  lawyer.  A  fortnight  passed  and  so 
did  all  clients.  Then  Judge  Glidden  handed  the 
half-discouraged  young  attorney  a  bundle  of  papers 
with  the  remark  : — 

"Mac,  here  are  the  papers  in  a  case  which  is 
coming  up  to-morrow.  I  have  to  go  out  of  town 
and  you  must  try  it." 

"  I  have  never  tried  a  case  yet,  you  know, 
Judge !  "  McKinley  replied. 

"  Well,  begin  on  this  one  then,"  Glidden  an- 
swered. McKinley  began  work  at  once,  and  after 
studying  the  case  all  night  went  to  court  next  day 
and  won  the  suit.  Glidden  called  at  his  office  a 
few  days  afterward  and  handed  McKinley  $25, 
which  he  refused  to  take. 

"  It  is  too  much.  Judge,  for  one  day's  pay,"  the 
conscientious  young  attorney  said. 

"  Nonsense,  Mac,"  said  the  veteran.  "  Don't  let 
that  worry  you.  I  charged  them  $100  and  can 
easily  afford  to  give  you  a  quarter  of  it." 

In  a  case  which  came  to  him  soon  afterward 
McKinley  won  one  of  his  most  substantial  earlier 
xriumphs.  He  was  pitted  against  John  Mc~ 
Sweeny,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  lawyers  at  the 
Ohio  bar.     It  was  a  suit  for  damages  for  malprac- 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  27 

tice  against  a  surgeon,  who,  it  was  claimed,  had 

set  a  broken  leg  so  unskillfully  that  the   patient 

was   made    bow-legged.     McSweeny  brought   his 

client  into  court,  and  after  he  had  told  his  story 

he  bared  his  leg  to   show  how  far  it  was  out  of 

line. 

A  Shrewd  Defense. 

McKinley,  for  the  defense,  demanded  that  the 
plaintiff  bare  the  other  leg  for  comparison.  The 
court  upheld  this  demand,  in  spite  of  McSweeny's 
vigorous  objection.  To  the  confusion  of  the  plain- 
tiff and  his  counsel  and  the  merriment  of  court 
and  jury  that  leg  was  found  to  be  the  worse  bowed 
of  the  two.  His  trousers  had  concealed  his  natu- 
ral deformity. 

"  My  client  seems  to  have  done  better  by  this 
man  than  did  nature  itself."  said  Counsellor  Mc- 
Kinley, ^'  and  I  move  that  the  suit  be  dismissed 
with  recommendation  that  he  have  his  right  leg 
broken  and  set  by  the  defendant  in  this  case."  The 
plaintiff  was  laughed  out  of  court.  Soon  after  this 
success  Judge  Belden,  a  leading  lawyer  of  Canton, 
formed  a  partnership  with  the  young  attorney 
which  lasted  until  the  Judge's  death,  in  1870. 

He  had  already  won  his  way  so  that  the  people 
in  that  year  elected  him  Prosecuting  Attorney  of 
Stark  County,  which  office  he  filled  for  several 
years.  Practice  now  flowed  in  to  him,  and  he 
speedily  won  repute  as  an  excellent  advocate.    He 


28  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

is  credited  with  making  some  of  the  best  jiirj 
arguments  ever  heard  at  that  bar.  When  elected 
to  Congress  he  was  a  recognized  leader  of  the  Stark 
County  bar  and  had  one  of  the  best  general  prac- 
tices at  that  bar. 

Another  case  in  which  he  especially  distinguished 
himself  was  that  of  a  number  of  miners  prosecuted 
for  riot,  whom  he  defended  in  an  appeal  to  the 
jury  which  is  remembered  to  this  day  as  a  triumph 
of  eloquence  over  hard  fact.  It  was  the  first  oppor- 
tunity in  his  career  to  attest  his  deep  sympathy 
with  wage-workers,  and  his  use  of  it  gave  him  a 
hold  upo-i  their  gratitude  that  time  has  only 
strengthened. 

Apostle  of  Protection. 

James  G.  Blaine,  in  his  "  Twenty  Years  of  Con- 
gress," wrote:  "William  McKinley,  Jr.,  entered 
from  the  Canton  district.  He  enlisted  in  an  Ohio 
regiment  when  only  17  years  old  and  won  the  rank 
of  Major  by  meritorious  services.  The  interests 
of  his  constituency  and  his  own  bent  of  mind  led 
him  to  the  study  of  industrial  questions,  and  he 
was  soon  recognized  in  the  House  as  one  of  the  most 
thorough  statisticians,  and  one  of  the  ablest  de- 
fenders of  the  doctrine  of  protection." 

The  Plumed  Knight  touched  with  his  trenchant 
pen  the  very  needle's  eye  of  character  which  has 
placed  McKinley  where  he  stands  to-day.  Sympa- 
thy with  the  toilers  brought  him  to  the  study  of 


ELIHU     ROOl      bECRETARY     OF     WAR 


SENATOR     EDWARD    OLIVER     WOLCOTT    OF    COLORADO 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  29 

industrial  questions,  to  which  he  gave  the  same 
thorough  analysis  and  intense  application  that  he 
gave  to  his  law  cases.  In  this  respect  he  is  much 
like  Garfield,  having  given  like  thorough  study  to 
political  subjects. 

It  is  said  that  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  took  occasion 
once  to  advise  McKinley,  who  seemed  destined  for 
public  preferment,  to  confine  his  political  studies  as 
far  as  possible  to  some  pa.rticular  subject,  to  master 
that  so  as  to  be  recognized  as  its  most  learned  ex- 
pounder. "  There  is  the  tariff  and  protection,"  he 
is  said  to  have  advised.  "  It  affords  just  the  field 
for  such  endeavor  as  I  have  described.  In  the 
near  future  it  is  likely  to  become  one  of  the  lead- 
ing issues  upon  which  the  voters  of  this  nation  will 
divide  probably  for  many  years." 

Won  his  Spurs  Young. 

This  conversation  may  have  occurred,  but  the 
fact  remains  that  the  natural  bent  of  McKinley's 
mind  and  his  tendency  to  sympathize  with  the 
toilers  had  early  turned  his  intellect  toward  that 
precise  question.  That  was  his  theme  when  very 
early  in  his  legal  career  he  took  the  stump  and 
discussed  political  questions  in  his  own  and  neigh- 
boring counties,  to  which  his  reputation  as  an 
attractive  speaker  early  penetrated. 

Major  McKinley  was  only  33  years  old  when, 
in  1877,  the  people  of  the  Canton  district  elected 


30 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 


him  to  represent  them  in  Congress.  Henry  Clay 
and  James  G.  Blaine  are  the  most  conspicuous 
statesmen  who  began  Congressional  careers  at  an 

early  age.  It  was  a 
Democratic  House, 
and  the  new  mem- 
ber began  his  ser- 
vice at  the  foot 
of  the  unimportant 
Law  Revision  Com- 
mittee. His  first 
term  passed  with 
no  public  speech  of 
note  to  his  credit, 
but  Speaker  Sam- 
uel J.  Randall  had 
noticed  the  studious 
application  of  the 
young  Ohioan  and 
his  shrewdness  in 
committee  work. 
Hence,  at  the  outset  of  his  second  term  Mc- 
Kinley  was  placed  on  the  Judiciary  Committee 
next  to  Thomas  Brackett  Reed.  His  ambition  and 
mental  promptings  led  him  to  prefer  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  but  he  was  disappointed  at  that 
time.  However,  early  in  his  second  session  debate 
on  the  tariff-revision  bill  of  Fernando  Wood  gave 
him  his  chance,  and  he  riddled  that  measure  with 


HON.  WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  31 

a  grasp  of  fact  and  merciless  logic  that  marked 
him  as  one  of  the  masters  of  protection  knowledge. 
McKinley's  Congressional  prominence  may  be 
said  to  have  fairly  begun  with  the  retirement  of 
Garfield  from  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
after  his  election  to  the  Presidency  in  1880.  Mc- 
Kinley  was  appointed  to  the  vacancy,  and  from 
then  until  he  retired  from  Congress  in  1891,  after 
ten  years  of  service  that  would  have  been  contin- 
uous except  for  that  portion  of  the  Forty-eighth 
Congress  when  the  Democrats  unseated  him,  he 
remained  upon  that  most  important  committee. 
His  work  was  so  strong  and  incisive  that  the 
Democrats,  fearing  his  abilities,  three  times  sought 
to  throw  him  out  of  Congress  by  gerrymanderinf 
his  district.  Twice  placed  in  districts  so  fixed 
that  the  Democratic  majority  seemed  assured,  he 
nevertheless  was  elected  by  substantial  majorities. 

Gerrymandered  Out. 

In  1890  an  international  contest  was  brought 
into  the  narrow  limits  of  his  Congressional  district. 
The  order  had  gone  forth  from  Democratic  free- 
trade  headquarters  that  the  peerless  champion  of 
protection  must  be  beaten  at  any  cost.  So  his 
district  was  patched  up  until  it  showed  a  nominal 
Democratic  plurality  of  3,100  votes.  Most  men 
would  have  shirked  such  a  contest  and  retired 
upon  laurels  already  won 


32  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEt. 

Not  SO  McKinley.  His  Scotch-Irish  blood  was 
up,  and  he  threw  himself  into  the  fight  with  an 
impetuosity  that  he  had  never  before  exhibited. 
He  actually  carried  three  of  the  four  counties  of 
his  district,  but  was  beaten  by  a  slender  plurality 
of  302  votes.  He  had  pulled  down  the  Demo- 
cratic majority  2800  votes,  and  what  his  enemies 
sought  to  make  his  Waterloo  proved  to  be  a  Mc- 
Kinley triumph  and  turned  Republican  thought 
in  the  country  toward  him  as  the  leader  of  the 
greater  struggle  of  this  year.  It,  however,  closed 
his  Congressional  career. 

McKinley  a  Worker. 

McKinley  in  Washington  was  a  worker  peri^is-. 
tent,  methodical  and  indefatigable.  Not  objecting 
to  temperate  use  of  stimulants,  he  was  never  found 
in  the  haunts  of  convivial  men.  That  side  of  life 
which  fascinates  and  has  destroyed  the  usefulness 
of  many  brilliant  men  had  no  fascination  for  him. 
His  work-day  was  spent  in  committee  or  in  the 
House,  and  the  business  of  the  day  over,  he  went 
straight  to  his  home  and  his  invalid  wife.  Tom 
Murray,  who  for  years  was  manager  of  the  House 
restaurant,  says  that  for  years  he  watched  his  daily 
coming  for  a  bowl  of  crackers  and  milk,  which 
consumed,  he  returned  to  his  work  and  wrought 
while  his  colleagues  regaled  upon  terrapin  and 
champagne. 


CORNELIUS     N.     BLISS    OF     NEW     YORK 

SECRETARY    OF   THE   INTERIOR   IN    PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S  CABINET 


JOHN     D.     LONG 

SECRETARY   OF  THE   NAVY 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  33 

And  yet  the  hard-working,  non-convivial  mem- 
ber from  Canton  was  popular  with  his  fellow- 
members  on  both  sides  of  the  House.  He  led  a 
Dare  majority  of  twenty -two  through  all  the  perils 
of  conflicting  interests.  He,  too,  found  time  to 
champion  the  Federal  Elections  bill,  and  to  draw 
to  its  support  many  men  from  widely  separated 
territory,  and  representing  many  diverse  local 
interests. 

It  was  McKinley's  Congressional  record  that  has 
made  him  illustrious.  Beginning  at  the  foot  of  the 
ladder  in  committee  appointment  he  forged  steadily 
to  the  front.  Leadership  was  won,  not  conceded. 
It  was  his  presentment  of  the  great  tariflf  bill  that 
crowded  the  House  of  Representatives  on  that 
ever-memorable  May  7,  1890,  when  he  reported  it 
and  opened  a  debate  which  has  become  historical. 
His  contrast  between  protection  and  free  trade, 
which  closed  that  famous  forensic  utterance,  paints 
at  once  a  picture  and  a  prophecy. 

"  We  have  now,"  he  said,  "  enjoyed  twenty-nine 
years  continuously  of  protective  tariff  laws — the 
longest  uninterrupted  period  in  which  that  policy 
has  prevailed  since  the  formation  of  iL3  Federal 
Government — and  we  find  ourselves  at  the  end  of 
that  period  in  a  condition  of  independence  and 
prosperity  the  like  of  which  has  no  parallel  in  the 
recorded  history  of  the  world.  In  all  that  goes  to 
make  a  nation  great  and  strong  and  independent 


34  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

we  have  made  extraordinary  strides.     We  have  a 
surplus  revenue  and  a  spotless  credit. 

"  To  reverse  this  system  means  to  stop  the  pro- 
gress of  this  Republic.  It  means  to  turn  the 
masses  from  ambition,  courage  and  hope  to  depen- 
dence, degradation  and  despair.  Talk  about  de- 
pression !  We  would  have  it  then  in  its  fullness. 
Everything  would  indeed  be  cheap,  but  how  costly 
when  measured  by  the  degradation  that  would 
ensue !  When  merchandise  is  cheapest  men  are 
poorest,  and  the  most  distressing  experiences  of  our 
country — aye,  of  all  history — have  been  when  every 
thing  was  lowest  and  cheapest,  measured  in  gold, 
and  everything  was  highest  and  dearest,  measured 

by  labor." 

Governor  of  Ohio. 

When  Major  McKinley,  in  1890,  lost  his  gerry- 
mandered district  by  the  narrow  margin  of  302 
votes  there  was  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  Ohio 
Republicans  as  to  who  should  and  must  be  their 
candidate  for  Governor.  It  was  no  consolation 
purse  that  he  was  to  race  for.  It  was  simply  and 
solely  that  the  fortune  of  hostile  legislative  control 
had  placed  within  reach  as  candidate  for  the  Chief 
Executive  of  the  State  a  man  of  spotl^s  honor, 
whose  many  services  made  him  the  most  popular 
man  in  the  Commonwealth.  The  room  in  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  State  House  in  Columbus 
is  brimful  of  nistory. 


LIFE  OF  WIJ.LIAM  McKlNLEY.  bO 

A  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States  and  a  President  sat  there  as  the 
Chief  Executive  of  the  State  before  being  called  to 
higher  preferment.  Nearly  every  man  who  has 
occupied  the  chief  chair  therein  has  been  or  still  is 
a  vital  force  in  the  political  or  business  history  of 
the  nation.  No  other  State  has  ever  contributed 
as  many  Governors  to  the  National  Executive  in 
chair  or  council. 

Governor  McKinley's  career  of  four  years  in  the 
Executive  Chair  of  Ohio  is  exemplification  of  the 
fact  that  the  most  interesting  period  of  a  states- 
man's public  service  is  not  necessarily  that  in 
which  he  enjoys  the  greatest  degree  of  public 
prominence.  That  office  claimed,  almost  monop- 
olized, his  attention,  and  local  interests  were  never 
in  the  remotest  degree  subordinated  to  wider 
political  necessities.  But  this  lessened  neither  the 
number  nor  loyalty  of  his  friends  in  all  parts  of 
the  country. 

Labor's  Best  Friend. 

His  solicitude  for  the  toilers  was  marked.  His 
sympathy  with  the  eight-hour  movement  was  early 
manifested.  He  was  a  conspicuous  champion  of 
arbitration  in  the  settlement  of  labor  difficulties. 
These  convictions  appeared  in  his  recommenda- 
tions of  legislation  to  protect  working-men  in 
hazardous  occupations,  to  secure  them  more  con- 
siderate treatment  as  well   as   more  safety  in  the 


60  LIFE  Oh'  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

pursuit  of  their  avocations.  It  was  upon  his 
recommendation  that  the  Ohio  law  was  passed 
requiring  that  all  street  cars  should  be  furnished 
with  vestibules  to  protect  the  motormen  and  con- 
ductors from  inclement  weather. 

But  it  was  along  the  line  of  arbitration — author- 
ized but  not  compulsory  which  he  regarded  as  the 
true  solution  of  labor  troubles — that  his  best  work 
was  done.  During  his  first  term  the  State  Board 
of  Arbitration  was  created  upon  the  Massachusetts 
plan,  but  he  made  its  workings  the  subject  of  his 
personal  supervision  during  all  his  administration. 
During  the  existence  of  the  Board,  twenty-eight 
strikes,  some  of  them  involving  2000  men,  were 
investigated,  and  in  fifteen  cases  the  Board  found  a 
common  basis  upon  which  both  parties  could  agree. 

No  account  of  Governor  McKinley's  connection 
ivith  labor  problems  would  be  complete  without 
mention  of  the  tireless  energy  he  displayed  in 
securing  relief  for  the  2000  miners  of  the  Hocking 
Valley  mining  district,  who,  early  in  1895,  were 
reported  out  of  work  and  destitute.  The  news 
reached  him  at  midnight,  but  by  5  A.  M.  on  his 
own  responsibility  a  car,  loaded  with  provisions, 
worth  $1000,  was  dispatched  to  the  afilicted  dis- 
trict. Appeals  made  subsequently  to  the  Boards 
of  Trade  or  Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the  great 
cities  of  the  State  increased  this  initial  benefaction 
to  $32,790  worth  of  clothing  and  provisions. 


JOSKPH    B.    FORAKER 


^^^ 

IWI 


LYMAN  J.  GAGE-SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  37 

Governor  McKinley's  two  terms  as  the  State's 
Executive  were  on  the  whole  smooth  a.nd  harmon- 
ious, but  he  was  repeatedly  called  upon  to  solve 
perplexing  problems  in  the  relations  of  capital  and 
labor.  In  1894  the  State  Government  received  no 
fewer  than  fifteen  calls  for  State  troops  to  aid  in 
enforcing  the  law.  No  such  demand  had  been 
made  since  the  Civil  War,  but  Governor  McKinley, 
obeying  the  dictates  of  his  judgment,  answered 
with  such  popular  acceptation  that  even  those 
labor  organizations  which  are  most  radical  in 
opposing  any  action  in  labor  troubles  on  the  part  of 
the  State  militia  were  forced  to  admit  the  wisdom 

of  his  course. 

Loyal  to  His  Word. 

No  events  in  the  history  of  Governor  McKinley 
commended  him  more  to  the  confidence  and  respect 
of  his  fellow-citizens  than  his  honorable  course  in 
two  national  conventions  of  his  party  when,  had 
he  shown  a  momentary  departure  in  steadfiist 
loyalty  in  support  of  the  men  he  had  been 
instructed  to  vote  for,  he  might  have  himself  been 
the  nominee.  Since  1876  he  had  borne  a  promi- 
nent part  in  Republican  national  conventions 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Resolu 
tions  of  the  convention  of  1880  when  the  man 
who  led  the  Ohio  delegation,  pledged  to  the  can- 
didacy of  Senator  John  Sherman  and  who  placed 
that  veteran  statesman  in  nomination  in  a  speech 


38  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEX. 

that  was  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  his  public 
utterances,  yet  suffered  the  convention  to  nomin- 
ate himself  and  never  raised  a  warning  note  to 
recall  delegates  to  respect  for  his  representative 
capacity. 

Again,  in  1884  he  was  the  chosen  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  who  drafted  the  party 
platform  with  such  skill  that  a  newspaper  raised 
his  name  to  its  column  head  with  the  words,  "  Let 
the  man  who  wrote  the  platform  of  '84  be  our 
standard-bearer  for  1888." 

Perhaps  McKinley  himself  realized  in  1888  that 
he  then  hardly  measured  up  to  the  standard  of  th3 
tried  and  true  veterans  in  the  public  service  whose 
names  were  to  go  before  that  convention.  Cer- 
tainly no  one  could  have  declared  such  fact  more 
unhesitatingly  or  earnestly  than  he  did.  It  was 
an  occasion  never  to  be  forgotten  and  it  demon- 
strated even  then  that  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  Presi- 
dential possibility  who  could  afford  to  bide  his 
time  and  need  not  crowd  veterans  in  public  favor 
out  of  a  nomination  which  for  him  could  have  no 
charm  unless  fairly  won. 

The  balloting  for  President  had  reached  the 
fourth  call  wh<^n  a  Connecticut  delegate  cast  his 
vote  for  McKinley.  As  soon  as  the  vote  was 
announced  McKinley  rose  in  his  seat  and  lifted 
his  hand  for  recognition  of  the  Chair.  Before  he 
could   utter   half  a  dozen  words   a  great   shout 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  39 

^'  McKinley  "  went  up  from  all  over  the  conven- 
tion. Unshaken  by  this  evidence  of  popular 
esteem  he  said  : — 

The  Speech  of  a  True  Man. 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion :  I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representa- 
tives of  my  State  ;  I  am  here  by  resolution  of  its 
Republican  convention,  passed  without  one  dis- 
senting voice,  commanding  me  to  cast  my  vote  for 
John  Sherman  and  to  use  every  worthy  endeavor 
for  his  nomination.  I  accepted  this  trust  because 
my  heart  and  judgment  were  in  accord  with  the 
letter  and  spirit  and  purpose  of  that  resolution. 
It  has  pleased  certain  delegates  to  cast  their  votes 
for  me.  I  am  not  insensible  of  the  honor  they 
would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  duty  rest- 
ing upon  me  I  cannot  remain  silent  with  honor ;  I 
cannot  consistently  with  the  credit  of  the  State 
whose  credentials  I  bear,  and  which  has  trusted 
me;  I  cannot  with  honorable  fidelity  to  John 
Sherman,  who  has  trusted  me  in  his  cause  and 
with  his  confidence  ;  I  cannot  consistently  with 
my  own  views  of  my  personal  integrity  consent, 
or  seem  to  consent,  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used 
as  a  candidate  before  the  convention. 

"  I  would  not  restrict  myself  if  I  could  find  it 
in  my  heart  to  do,  to  say,  or  to  permit  to  be  done 
that  which  could  even  be  ground  for  any  one  to 


40  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

suspect  that   I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio  oi 

my   devotion  to  the   chief  of  her  choice  and  the 

chief  of  mine.     I  do  not  request — I  demand — that 

no  delegates  who  would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me 

shall  cast  a  ballot  for  me." 

When    McKinley,  who    spoke   in  tones  whose 

earnestness  and  sincerity  could  not  be  doubted, 

concluded  his  speech  his  audience  applauded  him 

to  the  echo.     It  was  so  characteristic  of  the  man 

that  his  name  was  not  mentioned  by  any  as  a 

candidate. 

Declined  the  Prize  Again. 

Four  years  later  at  Minneapolis  McKinley  again 
had  opportunity  to  show  that  he  valued  honor 
above  even  nomination  to  the  highest  office  in  the 
Republic.  He  was  the  chairman  of  the  conven- 
tion. When  Ohio  was  reached  on  the  first  ballot 
for  President  the  leader  of  the  delegation  announced 
its  full  vote  for  William  McKinley.  This  was  the 
signal  for  an  outburst  of  applause  from  floor  and 
gallery,  as  spontaneous  as  it  was  vociferous.  Hur- 
ried consultations  were  held  by  many  State  dele- 
gations, and  amid  the  cheers  and  applause  which 
still  continued  one  leader  after  another  arose  to 
the  change  of  his  State  to  McKinley.  The  Major, 
evidently  deeply  aflected  by  the  demonstration, 
but  firm  and  composed,  rose  in  his  place  and 
said  : — 

"  I  challenge  the  vote  of  Ohio," 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  41 

"  The  gentleman  is  not  a  member  of  the  delega- 
tion at  present,"  said  Governor  Foraker,  who  was 
chairman  of  the  Ohio  representatives. 

''  I  am  a  delegate  from  that  State,"  cried 
McKinley,  in  tones  that  could  be  heard  above  the 
confusion  and  uproar,  "  and  I  demand  that  mj 
vote  be  counted." 

"  Your  alternative  voted  for  you,"  Governor 
Foraker  persisted. 

The  vote  of  the  delegation  was  polled,  neverthe- 
less, and  the  solitary  vote  which  was  cast  for 
Harrison,  was  Major  McKinley's.  Harrison  wa« 
nominated,  and  Chairman  McKinley,  calling  Col- 
onel Elliott  F.  Shepard  to  the  chair,  moved  to 
make  the  nomination  unanimous. 

"  Your  turn  will  come  in  '96,"  shouted  one  of 

the  182  delegates,  wlio,  despite  his  protest,  voted 

for  him  in  that  convention.     This  prophecy  was 

fulfilled. 

McKinley  at  Home. 

Two  things  commend  McKinley  mightily  to  the. 
average  man — he  will  fight  and  he  loves  his  wife. 
While  these  at  first  blush  seem  to  be  virtues  com- 
mon enough,  yet  he  who  has  them  has  not  far  to 
go  to  make  him  a  man  complete.  He  also  loves 
children  with  the  pathetic  love  of  the  man  whose 
name  will  live  only  in  history,  for  the  two  children 
of  his  early  married  life  are  dead,  and  his  wife  is 
a  confirmed  invalid. 


42  LIFE  OF  WILLI Ai\I   McKINLEY. 

It  was  early  in  his  struggles  with  the  law  in 
Canton  that  William  McKinley  met  Ida  Saxton,  a 
beauty,  the  daughter  of  the  richest  banker  in  the 
town,  and  a  girl  after  his  own  heart.  He  has 
never  got  over  the  surprise  and  joy  which  filled 
his  soul  when,  having  made  up  his  mind  to  put 
his  future  happiness  to  the  touch,  he  asked  Ida 
Saxton  to  be  his  wife  and  she  said  yes.  It  is  said 
that  her  father  confirmed  this  when  along  with  his 
parental  blessing  he  said  :  ^^  You  are  the  only  man 
of  all  that  have  sought  her  that  I  would  have 
given  her  to." 

It  was  in  1871,  after  he  had  won  his  first  suc- 
cess at  the  bar  and  had  been  successful  as  Prose- 
cuting Attorney.  They  went  to  housekeeping  in 
the  same  house  to  which  he  returned  after  his  long 
service  in  Congress  and  his  two  terms  as  Governor. 
In  that  pleasant  little  villa  his  two  children  were 
born.  One  lived  to  be  nearly  four  years  old, 
while  the  other  died  in  early  infancy. 

It  was  soon  after  the  birth  of  the  second 
daughter  that  the  fact  became  apparent  that  Mrs. 
McKinley  would  be  a  lifelong  invalid.  Much 
could  be  written  of  the  tenderness  of  the  strong 
and  virile  man  to  his  invalid  wife,  but  the  idle 
gossip  which  has  already  been  written  upon  that 
subject  has  hurt  where  it  was  thought  to  comfort. 
Newspapers  have  thoughtlessly  dwelt  upon  this 
affiiction,   singing  praises  of   his    constancy    and 


LIFE  OF  WILLIA]M  McKINLEY.  43 

devotion  when  even  kind  words  carried  with  them 
a  penetrating  sting. 

It  is  enough  to  say  that  this  husband  and  wife 
have  never  been  parted  except  during  exigent 
work  in  campaigning.  During  his  service  in 
Washington  she  was  always  with  him,  embroider- 
ing the  slippers  which  has  constituted  her  princi- 
pal employment  in  his  absence  until  the  number 
which  have  solaced  the  sufferers  in  hospitals  is 
said  to  amount  to  nearly  four  thousand.  From 
Congressional  duty  to  his  wife  and  back  to  duty 
was  the  round  of  his  Washington  life. 

While  Governor  of  Ohio  four  rooms  in  the 
Chittenden  House  in  Columbus  were  their  home. 
An  early  breakfast  and  he  was  off  to  his  executive 
duties.  It  was  remarked  that  he  always  left  his 
hotel  by  a  side  entrance,  and  when  well  across  the 
street  he  turned  and  lifted  his  hat,  while  a  hand- 
kerchief fluttered  for  an  instant  from  the  window 
of  his  home.  Tiien  the  Governor  with  a  pleased 
smile  walked  jauntily  off  toward  the  State  House. 
This  was  repeated  every  evening,  showing  that 
loving  watch  was  kept  at  that  window.  Occasion- 
ally, weather  and  health  permitting,  Mrs.  Mc Kin- 
ley  indulged  in  a  carriage  ride,  her  husband 
always  accompanying  her.  Always  on  Sunday 
the  Governor  took  an  early  train  for  Canton,  and 
going  to  his  mother's  house,  accompanied  her  to 
the  firs    M.  E.  Church,  of  which  he  has  been  a 


44  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

member  for  thirty -five  years.  He  was  superin- 
tendent of  its  Sunday-school  until  public  duty 
took  him  to  Washington. 

His  Personal  Appearance. 

Major  McKinley  is  five  feet  seven  inches  in 
height  and  is  as  straight  as  Michael  Angelo's 
statue  of  David.  He  undoubtedly  looks  like  the 
great  Napoleon,  although  he  has  said  more  than 
once  that  he  does  not  like  to  be  reminded  of  the 
resemblance.  He  has  the  same  grave,  dignified 
mouth,  the  same  high,  broad  and  full  forehead  and 
the  same  heavy  lower  jaw.  He  is  a  better-looking 
man  than  was  Napoleon,  and  his  bright,  dark  eyes 
Bhine  out  under  brows  which  are  less  heavy  than 
those  of  Bonaparte,  and  his  frown  is  by  no  means 
so  terrible  as  that  of  the  Little  Corporal.  He 
appreciates,  however,  the  value  of  dignity,  always 
dresses  in  a  double-breasted  frock  coat  and  crowns 
his  classic  head  with  a  tall  silk  hat. 

Personally  Major  McKinley  is  a  charming  man 
to  meet.  His  presence  is  prepossessing,  though  in 
conversation  he  rarely  develops  brilliancy  or  ready 
wit.  Dignity  and  repose,  rather  than  force  and 
action,  appear  as  his  strong  characteristics  to  the 
man  who  meets  him  casually.  Yet  his  campaigns 
show  that  when  time  for  action  comes  he  can  go 
through  labor  that  wears  out  a  corps  of  experienced 
reporters,  and  come  out  of  the  immense  strain  of 


JOHN  E.  BILBKOUGH 

HON.     D.     B. 
SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


COPYRIGHT,    lH9a, 

HENDERSON 


CHAUNCEY    M.    D£PKW 


lilFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  45 

six  weeks'  constant  canvass  with  little  loss  of  flesh 
and  comparatively  few  signs  of  fatigue.  The 
Gubernatorial  campaign  of  1893  was  notable  in 
this  respect,  and  shows  the  character  of  the  man  in 
his  relations  to  politics. 

With  the  chances  favoring  him  and  business 
depression  prevailing,  many  a  man  would  have 
trusted  something  to  luck,  and  worked  less  per- 
sistently and  energetically  than  under  other  cir- 
cumstances. But  that  was  not  McKinley's  way. 
He  realized  that  his  boom  for  the  Presidency  de- 
pended very  largely  upon  the  size  of  his  majority^ 
and  worked  like  a  Trojan.  Those  who  followed 
tim  in  the  famous  Congressional  campaign  of  1890 
against  John  G.  Warwick,  and  again  in  1891,  when 
he  canvassed  the  State  against  Campbell  with  such 
signal  success,  and  were  a  third  time  with  him  in 
1893,  say  that  he  worked  as  never  before. 

In  the  speeches  he  made  one  notable  characteris- 
tic is  always  prominent.  He  does  not  make  ene- 
mies. No  one  ever  heard  McKinley  abuse  a  politi- 
cal opponent  from  the  stump.  Few  men  have  ever 
heard  him  speak  with  disrespect  or  malignity  of 
one  in  private  life.  Only  among  his  close  confi- 
dants, and  they  are  carefully  chosen  and  not  numer- 
ous, does  he  allow  himself  to  speak  his  mind  fully. 


46         ■  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    MclClNLEY. 

President  McKinley's  Adininistration. 

After  a  very  exciting  campaign  in  1896,  Mr. 
McKinley  was  elected  President,  and  was  in- 
augurated with  most  imposing  ceremonies  in  March, 
1897.  His  administration  has  been  characterized 
by  wise  and  successful  statesmanship,  and  as  the 
period  for  a  new  election  drew  near  it  became 
evident  that  he  would  be  again  the  unanimous 
choice  of  his  party  to  be  their  standard-bearer  in 
the  campaign  of  1900. 

An  extraordinary  session  of  Congress  was  called 
by  President  McKinley  two  days  after  he  took 
the  oath  of  office  on  the  steps  of  the  Capitol.  It 
met  in  pursuance  to  his  proclamation  at  noon  on 
March  15.  The  special  message  transmitted  by 
him  to  both  Houses  on  the  opening  day  was  brief. 
It  explained  the  deficiencies  in  the  revenues, 
reviewed  the  bond  issues  of  the  last  administration, 
and  urged  Congress  promptly  to  correct  the  then 
existing  condition  by  passing  a  tariff  bill  thai 
would  supply  ample  revenues  for  the  support  of 
the  Government  and  "the  liquidation  of  the  public 
debt.  No  other  subject  of  legislation  was  men- 
tioned in  the  message,  and  the  tariff  bill  was  the 
all-absorbing  feature  of  the  session.  The  Repub- 
lican members  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
of  the  preceding  House  had  been  at  work  through- 
out the  short  session,  which  ended  March  4,  giving 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY.  47 

hearings  and  preparing  the  bill  which  was  to  be 
submitted  at  the  extra  session. 

Three  days  after  the  session  opened  the  Tariff 
bill  was  reported  to  the  House  by  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  and  thirteen  days  later,  March 
31,  1897,  it  passed  the  House.  It  went  to  the 
Senate,  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance, 
and  the  RejDublican  members  of  that  committee 
spent  a  month  and  three  days  in  its  consideration 
and  in  preparing  the  amendments,  which  were 
submitted  to  the  Senate  May  4.  Its  consideration 
was  begun  in  the  Senate  May  7,  and  exactly  two 
months  later,  July  7,  it  passed  the  Senate  with  872 
amendments. 

The  bill  then  went  to  conference,  where,  after  a 
ten  days'  struggle,  on  July  17  a  complete  agree- 
ment was  reached  by  which  the  Senate  receded 
from  118  amendments  and  the  House  from  511. 
The  others,  243  in  .  number,  were  compromised. 
The  conference  report  was  adopted  by  the  House 
July  19  at  the  conclusion  of  twelve  hours  of  con- 
tinuous debate.-  The  report  was  taken  up  in  the 
Senate  July  20  and  adopted  Saturday,  July  24. 
The  Tariff*  bill  was  signed  by  the  President  the 

same  day. 

Civil  Service  Rules. 

In  August  President  McKinley  promulgated 
amendments  to  the  civil  service  rules  which  elicited 
enthusiastic   praise   from  civil   service   reformers. 


48  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

The  order  considered  of  most  importance  provides 
that  ''  no  removal  sliall  be  made  from  any  position 
subject  to  competitive  examination  except  forjnst 
cause  and  upon  written  charges  filed  with  the  head 
of  the  department  or  other  appointing  officer,  and 
of  which  the  accused  shall  have  full  notice  and  an 
opportunity  to  make  defence." 

Through  the  Hon.  Stewart  L.  Woodford, 
American  Minister  to  Spain,  our  Cabinet  at 
Washington  addressed  a  note  in  September  to  the 
Spanish  government  concerning  the  war  in  Cuba, 
urging  that  the  most  strenuous  efforts  be  made  to 
bring  it  to  an  end  and  offering  mediation  between 
the  contending  parties.  Spain's  reply,  which  was 
received  in  November,  was  considered  satisfactory 
and  not  likely  to  lead  to  any  rupture  between  the 
two  countries. 

In  February,  1898,  an  incident  occurred  which 
created  universal  comment.  A  letter  was  written 
by  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Washington,  Senor  De 
Lome,  reflecting  seriously  upon  President  Mc- 
Kinley,  in  connection  with  the  policy  our  adminis- 
tration was  pursuing  toward  the  government  of 
Spain  with  regard  to  the  insurrection  in  Cuba. 
This  letter  was  written  by  De  Lome  to  a  friend, 
but  failed  in  some  way  to  reach  its  destination,  and 
was  made  j)ublic.  Public  indignation  was  ex- 
pressed at  this  perfidy  of  the  Spanish  Minister, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  resign. 


LIFE    OF   WILLIAM   MoKlNLEY.  49 

Cuba's  Fight  for  Freedom. 

The  struggle  in  Cuba  for  independence  con- 
tinued to  be  the  one  absorbing  topic  that  occupied 
the  attention  of  Congress.  General  Weyler 
ordered  all  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  who  were 
suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  insurgents  into 
the  towns,  where  they  were  left  to  obtain  the 
necessaries  of  life  as  best  they  could.  This  act, 
which  was  pronounced  inhuman  by  the  American 
people,  resulted  in  the  death  of  tens  of  thousands 
of  men,  women  and  children  by  starvation. 
Meanwhile,  accurate  reports  of  the  appalling 
situation  in  Cuba  were  brought  by  several  mem- 
bers of  Congress  who  visited  the  island  with  a  view 
to  ascertaining  the  exact  facts. 

These  reports  so  inflamed  the  Senate  and  House 
of  E.e23resentatives  that  a  number  of  resolutions 
were  introduced  demanding  that  belligerent  rights 
should  be  granted  to  the  Cubans,  and  further  tha^ 
the  United  States  should  intervene  with  force  of 
arms  to  end  the  war  in  Cuba,  and  secure  the 
independence  of  the  island.  These  resolutions, 
which  were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  were  indicative  of  the  temper  of  Con- 
gress. 

Destruction  of  the  "Maine." 

A  profound  sensation  was  created  by  the 
destruction  of  the  United  States  battleship 
"Maine'*     in     the     harbor     of     IInv:iiia.       The 

4 


50  LIFE    OP    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

"  Maine ''  was  lying  in  the  harbor,  having  been 
sent  to  Cuba  on  a  friendly  visit.  On  the  evening 
of  February  15  a  terrific  explosion  took  place  on 
board  the  ship,  by  which  266  sailors  and  officers 
lost  their  lives  and  the  vessel  was  wrecked.  The 
cause  of  the  explosion  was  not  apparent.  The 
wounded  sailors  of  the  "  Maine  "  were  unable  to 
explain  it.  The  explosion  shook  the  whole  city  of 
Havana,  and  the  windows  were  broken  in  many  of 
the  houses.  The  wounded  sailors  stated  that  the 
explosion  took  place  while  they  were  asleep,  so  that 
they  could  give  no  particulars  as  to  the  cause. 

The  Government  at  Washington  and  the  whole 
country  were  horrified  at  the  destruction  of  one 
of  our  largest  cruisers  and  the  loss  of  so  many  of 
our  brave  sailors.  The  excitement  throughout  the 
country  was  intense.  The  chief  interest  in  the 
"  Maine  "  disaster  now  centered  upon  the  cause  of 
the  explosion  that  so  quickly  sent  her  to  the  bot- 
tom of  Havana  harbor. 

A  Naval  Board  of  Inquiry  went  to  Havana  and 
proceeded  joromptly  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the 
explosion  that  destroyed  the  battleship. 

Upon  receiving  the  report  of  the  Board  of 
Inquiry,  President  McKinley  transmitted  it  to 
Congress,  and  with  it  a  message  which  he  closed  as 
follows  : 

"  In  view  of  these  facts  and  of  these  considera- 
tions I  ask  the  Congress  to  authorize  and  empower 


LIFE    OP   WILLIAM    IMcKINLEY.  51 

the  President  to  take  measures  to  secure  a  full  and 
final  termination  of  tlie  hostilities  between  the 
Government  of  Spain  and  the  people  of  Cuba,  and 
to  secure  in  the  island  the  establishment  of  a  stable 
government  capable  of  maintaining  order  and  ob- 
serving its  international  obligations,  ensuring  peace 
and  tranquility  and  the  security  of  its  citizens  as 
well  as  our  own,  and  to  use  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  the  United  States  as  may  be  necessary  for 
these  purposes. 

National  Charity. 

"  And  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and  to  aid  in 
preserving  the  lives  of  the  starving  people  of  that 
island,  I  recommend  that  the  distribution  of  food 
and  supplies  be  continued,  and  that  an  appropria- 
tion be  made  out  of  the  public  treasury  to  supple- 
ment the  charity  of  our  citizens. 

*^  The  issue  is  now  with  the  Congress.  It  is  a 
solemn  responsibility.  I  have  exhausted  every 
effort  to  relieve  the  intolerable  condition  of  affairs 
which  is  at  our  doors.  Prepared  to  execute  every 
obligation  imposed  upon  me  by  the  Constitution 
and  the  law,  I  await  your  action." 

Congress  debated  a  week  over  the  recommenda- 
tions contained  in  the  President's  message,  and  on 
April  18  both  Houses  united  in  passing  a  series  of 
resolutions  calling  for  the  intervention  of  the 
United  States  to  compel  Spain  to  withdraw  her 
forces  from  Cuba,  and  thus  permit  the  authorities 


52  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

at  Washington  to  provide  the  island  with  a  free 
and  independent  government.  The  demand  con- 
tained in  the  resolutions  was  sent  to  the  Spanish 
Minister  at  Washington  on  April  20,  who  at  once 
called  for  his  passports  and  left  for  Canada. 

On  the  same  date  the  ultimatum  of  pur  Govern- 
ment was  sent  to  United  States  Minister  Woodford, 
at  Madrid,  who  was  curtly  handed  his  passports 
before  he  had  an  opportunity  of  formally  present- 
ing the  document.  These  transactions  involved  a 
virtual  declaration  of  war,  although  Congress  did 
not  formally  declare  that  war  actually  existed 
until  April  25,  dating  the  time  back  to  the  21st 

The  War  Begins. 

The  North  Atlantic  Squadron  was  immediately 
ordered  to  blockade  the  Cuban  ports,  and  on  April 
22  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  order.  On  the  same 
date  the  United  States  gunboat  "  Nashville '' 
captured  the  Spanish  merchantman  "  Buena 
Ventura  "  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In  this  cap- 
ture the  first  gun  of  the  war  was  fired.  The  next 
day  President  McKinley  promulgated  a  resolution 
calling  for  125,000  volunteers.  On  the  same  day 
Morro  Castle,  commanding  the  harbor  of  Havana, 
fired  on  the  United  States  flagship  "  New  York,'' 
but  without  doing  damage.  Subsequent  events 
comprised  the  capture  of  a  number  of  Spanish 
vessels  by  Admiral  Sampson's  squadron. 


STEPHEN    B.    EI.KINS 


CHARLES     DICK 

SECRETARY  OF  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY.  53 

Stirring  news  from  our  Asiatic  fleet  was  soon 
received.  On  May  1  Admiral  Dewey  practically 
destroyed  the  Spanish  squadron  in  the  harbor  of 
Manila,  Philippine  Islands,  capturing  nine  vessels 
aud  inflicting  a  loss  of  400  killed  and  600 
wounded.  The  capture  of  the  SjDanish  fleet  at 
Santiago,  on  July  3,  and  the  victories  of  the 
American  army  in  Cuba,  resulting  in  the  surrender 
of  all  the  Spanish  troops  in  the  province  of 
Santiago,  prepared  the  way  for  Mr.  McKinley  to 
sign  a  peace  protocol  in  August  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  Spain  in  December.  With  a  firm 
hand  he  conducted  the  difficult  and  delicate 
diplomacy  and  pushed  on  the  war  that  freed  Cuba, 
brought  the  Philippine  Islands  under  the  authority 
and  government  of  the  United  States,  and  restored 
peace  to  the  combatants. 

McKinley's  Policy. 

As  to  his  policy  in  view  of  the  necessary  legis- 
lation for  our  new^  possessions,  and  his  purpose  to 
govern  them  in  such  a  way  as  to  advance  their 
welfare  and  to  secure  for  them  the  largest  liberty, 
he  declared  in  an  eloquent  speech  before  the  Ohio 
Society  in  New  York  that  every  obligation  of  our 
Government  would  be  fulfilled. 

*'  After  thirty-three  years,"  he  said,  ''  of  un- 
broken peace  came  an  unavoidable  war.  Hajipily, 
the   conclusion    was    quickly    reached,    without   a 


54  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

suspicion  of  unworthy  motive  or  practice  or  pur- 
pose on  our  part,  and  with  fadeless  honor  to  our 
arms.  I  cannot  forget  the  quick  response  of  the 
people  to  the  country's  need  and  the  quarter  of  a 
million  men  who  freely  offered  their  lives  to  their 
country's  service.  It  was  an  impressive  spectacle 
of  .national  strength.  It  demonstrated  our  mighty 
reserve  power  and  taught  us  that  large  standing 
armies  are  unnecessary  when  every  citizen  is  a 
'  minute  man  '  ready  to  join  the  ranks  for  national 
defence. 

*'  Out  of  these  recent  events  have  come  to  the 
United  States  grave  trials  and  responsibilities.  As 
it  was  the  nation's  war,  so  are  its  results  the 
nation's  problems.  Its  solution  rests  upon  us  all. 
It  is  too  serious  to  stifle.  It  is  too  earnest  for  re- 
pose. No  phrase  or  catchword  can  conceal  the 
sacred  obligation  it  involves.  No  use  of  epithets, 
no  aspersion  of  motive  by  those  who  differ  will 
contribute  to  that  sober  judgment  so  essential  to 
right  conclusions. 

"  No  political  outcry  can  abrogate  our  treaty  of 
peace  with  Spain  or  absolve  us  from  its  solemn  en- 
gagements. It  is  the  people's  question  and  will  be 
until  its  determination  is  written  out  in  their  en- 
lightened verdict.  We  must  choose  between  manly 
doing  and  base  desertion.  It  will  never  be  the 
latter.  It  must  be  soberly  settled  in  justice  and 
good   conscience,  and  it  will   be.     Righteousness 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY.  55 

which  exalteth  a  nation  must  control  in  its  solu- 
tion. 

Imperialism  Denounced. 

"  There  can  be  no  imperialism.  Those  who  fear 
it  are  against  it.  Those  who  have  faith  in  the 
Republic  are  against  it.  So  that  there  is  universal 
abhorrence  for  it  and  unanimous  opposition  to  it. 
Our  only  difference  is  that  those  who  do  not  agree 
with  us  have  no  confidence  in  the  virtue  or  capac- 
ity or  high  23urpose  or  good  faith  of  this  free 
people  as  a  civilizing  agency,  while  we  believe  that 
the  century  of  free  government  which  the  Ameri- 
can people  have  enjoyed  has  not  rendered  them 
irresolute  and  faithless,  but  has  fitted  them  for  the 
great  task  of  lifting  up  and  assisting  to  better  con- 
dition and  larger  liberty  those  distant  people  who 
have  through  the  issue  of  battle  become  our  wards. 

"  Let  us  fear  not.  There  is  no  occasion  for  faint 
hearts,  no  excuse  for  regrets.  Nations  do  not 
grow  in  strength  and  the  cause  of  liberty  and  law 
by  the  doing  of  easy  things.  Tlie  harder  the  task 
the  greater  will  be  the  result,  the  benefit  and  the 
honor.  To  doubt  our  power  to  accomplish  it  is  to 
lose  faith  in  the  soundness  and  strength  of  our 
t>opular  institutions.  The  liberators  will  never  be- 
come the  oppressors.  A  self-governed  peoj^le  will 
never  2)ermit  despotism  in  any  government  Avhich 
they  foster  and  defend. 

"  Gentlemen,  we  have   the  new  care  and  cannot 


66  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

shift  it  And,  breaking  up  the  camp  of  ease 
and  isolation,  let  us  bravely  and  hopefully  and 
soberly  continue  the  march  of  faithful  service  and 
falter  not  until  the  work  is  done.  It  is  not  possible 
that  seventy-five  millions  of  American  freemen 
are  unable  to  establish  liberty  and  justice  and  good 
government  in  our  new  possessions.  The  burden 
is  our  opportunity.  The  opportunity  is  greater 
than  the  burden.  May  God  give  us  strength  to 
bear  the  one  and  wisdom  so  to  embrace  the  other 
as  to  carry  to  our  distant  acquisitions  the  guarantees 
of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 

Beyond  the  administration  of  affairs  connected 
with  our  war  with  Spain  and  the  Filipino  in- 
surgents, and  the  appointment  of  officials  to 
govern  Hawaii,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 
pines, the  chief  measure  of  public  importance  during 
Mr.  McKinley's  administration  was  the  enactment, 
at  his  recommendation,  of  the  new  currency  law, 
whereby  the  gold  standard  has  been  established 
and  our  currency  laws  are  made  to  correspond 
with  those  of  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the 

earth. 

Demand  Upon  Turkey. 

A  claim  was  made  against  Turkey  by  our 
Government  for  damages  inflicted  upon  Americans 
during  the  massacres  in  Armenia.  This  claim 
amounted  to  $90,000,  and  the  Turkish  govern- 
ment, with   its  customary  dilatory  tactics,  evaded 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  67 

the  payment  of  it.  It  was  Mr.  McKinley's 
determined  purp(jse  to  collect  the  amount  due  for 
Turkish  depredations.  Accordingly  he  made  a 
demand  for  payment.  A  month  passed  and 
no  notice  was  taken  of  the  communication  from 
our  State  Department.  On  the  23d  of  May,  1900, 
Mr.  McKinley  authorized  another  demand  to  be 
made  upon  Turkey,  and  in  terms  implying  that 
the  next  communication  would  be  an  ultimatum 
conveyed  by  a  battleship. 

These  public  acts  indicate  the  heroic  qualities 
Mr.  McKinley  has  exhibited  during  his  Adminis- 
tration. With  a  high  purpose  to  serve  his 
country,  with  consummate  tact  and  wisdom  in 
conducting  public  affairs,  with  exalted  patriotism 
and  a  noble  resolve  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the 
people  in  all  parts  of  our  broad  land,  he  has  dis- 
charged the  responsible  duties  of  his  high  office  to 
the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  jDarty. 

President  McKinley  Renominated. 

The  renomination  of  President  McKinley  was 
accepted  as  a  fact  and  never  was  there  a-  doubt 
that  he  would  be  the  choice  of  the  delegates  for 
the  head  of  the  national  ticket.  The  only  subject 
of  possible  dissension  was  in  the  choice  of  his 
running  mate,  tliough  all  were  actuated  alike  by 
the  desire  to  have  named  the  man  who  would 
possess   and    develoji  greatest    strength   in    those 


58  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

doubtful  and  pivotal  States  which  turn  the  tide  to 
success  or  defeat. 

In  the  nomination  of  Governor  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  therefore,  it  was  generally  felt  that  the 
Convention  had  performed  its  functions  in  a 
manner  that  augured  well  for  the  future  of  the 
Kepublican  party. 

The  Republicans,  being  in  thorough  sympathy 
with  the  President  in  every  act  of  his  Adminis- 
tration, having  accepted  the  policies  he  has  devel- 
oped during  his  first  term  in  office,  gave  expression 
to  the  harmony  that  prevailed,  not  only  in  the 
platform  they  adopted,  but  by  unanimously  renomi- 
nating him  for  the  office  of  President.  He  was 
their  logical  candidate,  and  as  such  is  expected  to 
poll  the  largest  possible  vote  of  the  party  as  now 
constituted. 

Whether  that  party  will  be  stronger  relatively 
than  in  1896  or  weaker  no  one  at  this  writing  can 
foretell.  The  new  issues  will  have  to  be  considered 
and  discussed  before  any  one  can  say  what,  effect 
they  will  have  upon  old  party  lines.  But,  what- 
ever the  result  of  the  election  may  be,  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  Convention  assembled  acted  consist" 
ently  in  selecting  as  its  representative  candidate 
for  1900  William  McKinley  for  President. 


Life  of  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

WHEN  Theodore  Roosevelt  brought  his  regi- 
ment  of  Rough  Riders  back  frora  their 
glorious  campaign  in  Cuba,  he  was  met  at  Mon- 
tauk  Point  by  hundreds  of  men  whose  admira- 
tion he  had  won  by  his  heroism  and  self- 
sacrifice. 

He  greeted  them  as  best  he  could,  but  all  his 
thoughts  were  with  the  disembarking  soldiers, 
whom  he  was  so  soon  to  bid  farewell. 

^'  You  are  being  boomed  for  Governor  of  New 
York,"  his  friends  said  to  him.  ''  You  will 
surely  win." 

He  seemed  scarcely  to  hear  them.  He  ap- 
peared to  have  more  important  business  on 
hand,  and  was  not  thinking  of  his  own  political 
chances. 

^'  Good,"  he  said,  and  then  pointed  to  the  men 
in  the  boats.  "  What  do  you  think  of  the  regi- 
ment?" he  asked  enthusiastically. 

''There  are  campaign  buttons  already  out 
with  your  picture  on  them." 

*'Yes  ?  Just  look  at  those  boys.  Aren't  they 
crack-a-jacks  ?  " 

"  But  how  do  you  feel  ?  Do  you  think  you 
could  stand  the  strain  of  a  campaign  ?  " 

"  I  feel  like  a  bull  moose.  See,  that's  Com- 
pany K." 

59 


60  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

"  Croker  says  that  the  man  who  will  be  the 
next  Governor  must  have  been  wounded  in 
battle." 

"Did  he  ?  Well,  I  have  a  wound,"  and  again 
he  spoke  of  his  soldiers. 

"  Piatt  wants  you  to  run  for  Governor,  Col- 
onel." 

Colonel  Roosevelt  turned  wearily.  "You 
must  excuse  me  now."  he  said.  "  I  must  see 
that  my  men  are  comfortable.  I  will  talk  about 
other  things  later." 

For,  to  Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  men  who  had 

fought  under  him  at  Las  Quasima  and  San  Juan 

hill  were  more   important,  far  more  important, 

than   the    Governorship  of    the   State  of   New 

York. 

Welcome  to  <<Buck''  Taylor. 

When  Governor  Roosevelt  was  surrounded 
one  day  by  Congressmen  and  Senators  who 
were  urging  him  to  accept  the  nomination  for 
the  Vice  Presidency,  "Buck"  Taylor,  one  of 
the  famous  marksmen  of  the  Rough  Riders,  sat 
down  in  the  anteroom  and  wondered  whether  he 
would  ever  get  a  chance  to  shake  hands  with 
his  old  commander.  And  then,  through  the 
open  doors.  Governor  Roosevelt  saw  the  waiting 
man.  His  eyes  lighted  up  in  welcome,  he 
pushed  through  the  group  of  men  surrounding 
him,  elbowed  a  Congressman  out  of  his  way, 


LESLIE     M.     SHAW,     GOVERNOR     OF     lUWA 


^^^ 

^^ 

^"^^^^^^^^H^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^ 

' 

'^^:  ^^\ 

1 

^^ 

HON.    JOHN    WANAMAKER 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  61 

dodged  an  anxious  party  leader  and  advanced 
witb.  outstretclied  liand  to  greet  "Buck"  Taylor. 
The  Vice  Presidency  could  wait.  A  Rough 
Rider  wanted  to  greet  him. 

''  I  didn't  get  a  chance  to  sa}^  much  to  him," 
said  ''  Buck,"  afterward,  "but  3^ou  can  tell  him 
forme  that  Arkansas  and  the  West  will  be  solid 
for  him." 

"For  the  Vice  Presidenc}^  ?  "  he  was  asked. 
He  looked  pityingl}^  at  his  questioner.  "  For 
an3^thing  he  wants,"  he  said,  sententiously. 

And  that  is  the  spirit  of  every  man  who  saw 
the  gallant  leader  in  Cuba.  The}^  scarcely 
knew  him  then,  and  yet  they  followed  him 
through  shot  and  shell.  They  know  him  now, 
and  will  follow  him  through  any  danger  that 
the  mind  of  man  can  invent. 

His  has  been  a  picturesque  career.  He  has 
done  enough  in  the  forty  odd  years  of  his  life 
to  exhaust  an  ordinary  man,  yet  when  he  speaks 
to  you  his  whole  body  seems  a  mass  of  steel 
wires,  his  face  lights  up  wonderfully,  the  inten- 
sest  energy  is  spoken  by  every  word  and  move- 
ment.    He  is  almost  explosive. 

It  has  been  said  that  he  is  a  rash  young  man. 
His  political  ruin  has  been  predicted  almost 
yearl3\  But  the  surprises  that  he  is  constantly 
giving  his  friends  are  not  brought  on  by  inex- 
perienced exuberances. 


62  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

He  is  a  rapid  thinker  and  a  determined 
worker,  and  when  he  has  made  np  his  mind 
that  a  thing  should  be  done,  opposition  only 
whets  his  appetite  for  the  battle. 

When,  as  a  22-year-old  Representative  in  the 
lower  House  of  the  New  York  Legislature,  he 
started  to  dust  political  cobwebs  from  the  rafters 
of  that  house  with  a  disregard  of  precedence 
that  seemed  almost  foolhardy,  the  other  poli- 
ticians smiled,  and  predicted  that  the  boy  was 
rushing  headlong  into  the  jaws  of  defeat.  But 
young  Roosevelt  had  made  up  his  mind  that 
his  constituents  wanted  clean  politics,  and  he 
started  in  to  give  them  what  they  were  after. 
They  sent  him  back  to  the  House  for  another 
term  and  then  gave  him  a  third. 

Leader  of  His  Party. 

During  the  session  of  1881-82  he  devoted 
much  of  his  time  to  the  study  of  parliamentary 
form  and  usage,  and  so  successful  was  he,  that 
he  was  made  the  leader  of  his  party  during  the 
next  session.  It  was  in  this  latter  session  that 
he  introduced  and  had  passed  the  first  civil 
service  bill  in  the  Legislature,  almost  simulta- 
neously with  the  introduction  of  a  similar  bill 
in  the  national  Congress. 

As  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation  to 
the  convention  that  nominated  Blaine,  in  1884, 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  63 

he  again  went  rushing  through  the  crowd  of 
older  politicians,  and  again  came  out  with  flying 
colors.  His  one  defeat  was  in  his  campaign  for 
the  Mayoralty  of  New  York,  on  the  independent 
ticket  in  1886. 

Three  years  later  President  Harrison 
appointed  him  civil  service  commissioner  and 
his  precedent  smashing  policy  in  that  work 
made  civil  service  reform  an  institution  for  the 
country  to  be  proud  of 

Resolute  for  Reform. 

When,  in  May  1896,  he  accepted  the  presi- 
dency of  the  New  York  Police  Board,  he  started 
in  on  what  seemed  the  most  foolhardy  policy  of 
his  career.  He  utterly  ignored  the  usages  of 
the  ofSce.  Where  others  had  sat  in  their  easy 
chairs  while  corruption  flourished  rank  as  plan- 
tain weeds,  Colonel  Roosevelt  started  on  a  cam- 
paign of  purification  that  ruined  dozens  of  cor- 
rupt politicians  and  left  only  good  men  in 
responsible  positions.  Pull  and  influence  have 
mattered  nothing  to  him.  Honesty  and  fitness 
are  all  that  he  considers. 

The  storm  of  opposition  and  personal  abuse 
that  came  upon  him  from  all  sides  seemed  only 
to  spur  him  on  to  greater  energy.  His  ruin  was 
freely  predicted,  but  when  he  resigned  his  posi- 
tion to  become  assistant  secretary  of  the  Navy 


64  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

New  York  liad  a  clean  police   force,  and  tliat  is 
what  lie  iiad  determined  to  achieve. 

Wanted  a  Good  Navy. 

The  same  methods  that  be  had  used  in  New 
York  were  carried  to  Washington.  He 
demanded  tw^o  appropriations,  amounting  to 
$800,000,  to  be  expended  on  shot  and  shell  for 
practice  shooting  in  the '  navy.  There  Vv^ere 
loud  outcries  at  this. 

''  What ! "  people  exclaimed.  "  Give  f  800,000 
to  be  thrown  away  on  nothing  ?  What  utter 
nonsense  !" 

Yet  by  the  time  the  war  with  Spain  broke  out 
the  men  behind  the  American  guns  knew  which 
way  to  point  the  muzzle  when  they  wanted  to 
hit  a  barn  door.  And,  judging  from  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Spanish  ships  after  a  battle  (they 
seldom  went  through  more  than  one),  there  were 
a  few  hits  made. 

When  Theodore  Roosevelt  resigned  his  posi- 
tion in  the  Navy  Department  and  went  out  into 
the  wilds  of  the  West  to  make  good  his  claim  that 
cowboys  and  Indians  could  be  organized  and 
drilled  in  thirty  days  into  a  magnificent  fighting 
force,  people  "  pooh-hooed  "  the  idea  and  advised 
him  to  give  it  up.  In  a  month  the  Rough 
Riders  were  in  the  East,  ready  to  take  ship  for 
Cuba. 


tiFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  6^ 

When  Theodore  Roosevelt  accepted  the  com- 
mission of  lieutenant  colonel  and  announced 
his  intention  of  leading  his  regiment  in  person, 
his  political  friends  held  up  their  hands  in 
horror. 

'^Foolhardy!"     they  exclaimed.      "You  will 

get  out  of    touch  with  politics.     You   will  ruin 

yourself" 

Glorious  Rough  Riders. 

The  wires  became  hot  with  the  news  of  the 
glorious  conduct  of  the  Rough  Riders.  Fight 
after  fight  was  reported,  and  somehow  or  other 
Theodore  Roosevelt  always  seemed  to  be  in  the 
thick  of  it.  Even  here  he  ignored  precedence. 
When  the  fighting  was  over  and  his  men  were 
dying  from  fever  and  foul  food,  their  colonel 
overlooked  military  red  tape  and  risked  court 
martial  to  relieve  them. 

'^  Will  he  never  learn  common  sense  ?"  wailed 
his  friends  at  home.  ''  Now  he  is  ruined 
beyond  hope." 

Yet  when  he  walked  down  the  gang  plank  at 
Montauk  Point,  New  York  was  standing  on  the 
dock,  and  could  scarcely  wait  for  him  to  land 
before  handing  him  the  Governorship. 

Notwithstanding  all  his  remarkable  activity 
in  public  life,  he  has  still  found  time  to  earn  a 
name  for  himself  in  literature.  His  works 
include    "Hunting    Trips    of    a    Ranchman," 

5 


66  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

"Rancli  Life  and  tlie  Hunting  Trail,"  ''The 
Wilderness  Hunter,"  "The  Winning  of  the 
AVest,"  ''The  Naval  War  of  1812,"  "Life  of 
Thomas  H.  Benton,"  "Life  of  Governor  Morris," 
"Life  and  Times  of  Oliver  Cromwell,"  "Essays 
on  Practical  Politics,"  "  History  of  the  City  of 
New  York,"  "American  Political  Ideals,"  "The 
Rough  Riders,"  and,  in  collaboration  with 
Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  "The  Imperial  History 
of  the  British  Navy,"  and  is  joint  author  with 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge  of  "Hero  Tales  from 
American  History." 

Athlete  and  Hunter. 

As  an  athlete  and  a  hunter.  Colonel  Roosevelt 
has  won  enviable  distinction.  What  he  calls 
the  most  thrilling  moment  of  his  life,  he 
describes  graphically  in  one  of  his  books.  It 
IS  an  adventure  with  a  grizzly  bear. 

"I  held  true  aiming  behind  the  shoulder," 
he  writes  ;  "my  bullet  shattered  the  point  or 
lower  end  of  his  heart,  taking  out  a  big  nick. 
Instantly  the  great  bear  turned  with  a  harsh 
roar  of  fury  and  challenge,  blowing  the  bloody 
foam  from  his  mouth  so  that  I  saw  the  gleam 
of  his  white  fangs  ;  and  then  he  charged  straight 
at  me,  crashing  and  bounding  through  the 
laurel  bushes,  so  that  it  was  hard  to  aim.  I 
waited  until   he   came  to   a  fallen   tree,  raking 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  67 

him,  as  lie  topped  it,  with  a  ball  whicli  shattered 
his  chest,  and  went  through  the  cavity  of  his 
body,  but  he  neither  swerved  nor  flinched,  and 
at  the  moment  I  did  not  know  that  I  had  struck 
him.  He  came  steadily  on,  and  in  another 
second  was  almost  upon  me.  I  fired  for  his 
forehead,  but  my  bullet  went  low,  entering  his 
open  mouth,  smashing  his  lower  jaw  and  going 
into  his  neck. 

Thrilling  Adventme. 

"I  leaped  to  one  side,  almost  as  I  pulled  the 
trigger  ;  and  through  the  hanging  smoke  the 
first  thing  I  saw  was  his  paw,  as  he  made  a 
vicious  side  blow  at  me.  The  rush  of  his  charge 
carried  him  past.  As  he  struck  he  lurched  for- 
ward, leaving  a  pool  of  bright  blood  where  his 
muzzle  hit  the  ground  ;  but  he  recovered  him- 
self and  made  two  or  three  onwards,  while  I 
hurriedly  jammed  a  couple  of  cartridges  into 
the  magazine  ;  my  rifle  holding  only  four,  all  of 
which  I  had  fired.  Then  he  tried  to  pull  up, 
but  as  he  did  so  his  muscles  seemed  suddenly 
to  give  way,  his  head  dropped  and  he  rolled 
over  and  over  like  a  shot  rabbit.  Each  of  my 
first  three  bullets  had  inflicteda  mortal  wound." 

A  Western  trapper  tells  another  story  of  a 
hunting  adventure.  "You  know  Colonel 
Roosevelt  is  very  near-sighted,'^  he  says,  ^'and 


68  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

lie  carries  more  kinds  of  glasses  than  an  Eng- 
lishman ;  one  pair  to  read  with,  one  to  shoot 
with  and  another  to  walk  with.  When  the  bear 
charged  ns  the  Colonel  had  on  his  walking 
glasses  ;  and  when  I  told  him  that  the  beast  was 
upon  him  he  coolly  took  off  these  glasses,  folded 
them  np,  put  them  in  his  pocket,  took  out  and 
wiped  his  shooting  glasses,  and  put  them  on  as 
quietly  and  deliberately  as  if  there  was  not  a 
bear  in  the  whole  country.  By  the  time  he  had 
got  his  glasses  adjusted  the  bear  was  near,  but 
he  pulled  up  his  gun  and  killed  him  in  his 
tracks,  and  did  not  seem  in  the  least  bit  excited." 
Many  good  stories  are  told  of  Colonel  Roose- 
velt's care  of  his  glasses.  One  of  the  Rough 
Riders  tells  this  tale  :  ''  Colonel  Roosevelt  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  wearing  noseglasses  with  a 
black  silk  cord  attached,  but  the  arrangement 
was  entirely  unsuited  to  a  campaign,  where  the 
glasses  themselves  would  be  liable  to  fall  off 
constantly  and  the  cord  to  catch  on  twigs.  So 
he  substituted  very  large,  round  spectacles  with 
steel  hooks  for  the  ears,  and  had  a  dozen  pairs 
mounted.  These  he  planted  around  his  person 
and  equipment,  trying  to  distribute  them  so  no 
one  accident  could  include  them  all.  One  pair 
was  sewed  in  his  blouse,  another  in  his  belt, 
another  in  his  hat,  two  in  his  saddle  bags  and 
so  on. 


rfJJl 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  69 

<<  They've  Smashed  My  Specs.*' 

'^  At  tlie  figHt  at  Giiasimas  his  horse  was 
barked  by  a  bullet  while  held  by  an  orderly 
and  plunged  frantically  against  a  tree.  Colonel 
Roosevelt  came  rushing  up,  all  anxiety,  and 
began  prying  under  the  saddle  flap. 

" 'They  haven't  hurt  the  nag,  sir,'  said  the 
orderly. 

'' '  I  know,'  replied  the  colonel,  with  tears  in 
his  voice,  'but  blast  'em,  they've  smashed  my 
specs!'  " 

When  Colonel  Roosevelt  first  went  and 
bought  a  ranch  in  the  Bad  Lands  of  Dakota, 
the  cowboys  tried  to  treat  him  as  a  New  York 
dude,  but  that  did  not  last  long.  After  a  man 
named  De  Mores  had  broken  up  a  gang  of  horse 
thieves  and  desperadoes,  and  had  left  the  coun- 
try, some  of  the  gang  made  attempts  to  reorgan- 
ize.    They  were  openly  aided  by  the  sheriff. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  called  a  meeting  of  all  the 
ranchers  nearby,  summoned  the  sheriff,  and, 
with  his  gun  in  his  hand,  called  that  oflicial  a 
liar  and  a  horse  thief  A  tenderfoot  didn't  often 
get  a  chance  to  use  such  language  twice,  but 
the  sheriff  had  to  take  his  medicine  and  resign. 
On  his  own  ranch,  too,  he  showed  the  stuff 
from  which  he  was  made.  He  bought  the  most 
unmanageable  cow  ponies  he  could  find  in  the 
country,  and  when  his  men  grumbled  at  having 


70  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

to  ride  them,  the  "dude"  picked  out  the  "worst 
horse  of  the  lot  and  broke  it.  At  one  time  he 
was  thrown  and  four  of  his  ribs  were  fractured, 
but  he  picked  himself  up,  remounted  and  con- 
quered the  beast  before  dressing  his  injuries. 

His  shooting,  too,  won  the  respect  of  the 
rough  ranchmen.  Colonel  Roosevelt  cannot  see 
ten  yards  in  front  of  him  without  his  glasses, 
and  is  a  poor  shot  with  a  revolver,  but  give  him 
a  rifle  and  a  long  range  shot  and  he  can  do  some 
fancy  work.  Further  than  this,  he  won  his 
men's  admiration  by  putting  on  the  gloves  with 
the  biggest  and  roughest  cowpunchers  on  his 
ranch. 

He  has  summed  up  his  philosophy  of  life  in 
his  own  words. 

"If  you  could  speak  commandingly  to  the 
young  n\en  of  our  nation,"  he  was  asked  on  one 
occasion,  "  what  would  you  say  to  them  ?  "  His 
reply  was  : 

"I'd  order  them  to  work.  I'd  try  to  develop 
and  work  out  an  ideal  of  mine — the  theory  of 
the  duty  of  the  leisure  class  to  the  community. 
I  have  tried  to  do  it  by  example,  and  it  is  what 
I  have  preached ;  first  and  foremost,  to  be 
American,  heart  and  soul,  and  to  go  in  with  any 
person,  heedless  of  anythiiig  but  that  person's 
qualifications. 

"For  myself;  I'd   work   as  quick   beside  Pat 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,.  71 

Dugan  as  with  the  last  descendant  of  a  patroon  • 
it  literally  makes  no  difference  to  me  so  long  as 
clie  work  is  good  and  tlie  man  is  in  earnest." 

DETAILED    ACCOUNT    OF    ROOSEVELT'S    LIFE. 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  nominee  for  Vice 
President,  is  of  Dutch  and  Scottish  ancestry, 
and  among  them  were  many  notable  men.  He 
himself  is  the  thirty-fourth  Governor  lof  New 
York  State.  Klass  Martenson  Roosevelt,  one 
of  his  ancestors,  came  to  America  from  Holland 
in  1649.  His  so^j  Nicholas,  was  an  Alderman 
of  the  Leislerian  party,  and,  although  a  burgher 
of  the  ''major  right,"  he  espoused  the  popular 
side  in  the  contest  of  the  colonies  with  the 
mother  country.  James  I.  Roosevelt,  another 
ancestor,  was  a  captain  in  the  New  York  State 
Troop  during  the  Revolution.  His  father, 
Theodore,  married  Martha,  Bulloch,  of  Roswell, 
Ga.,  both  of  whom  were  descendants  from  Revo- 
lutionary stock  of  prominence. 

Thus  the  nomineee  of  the  Republican  party 
for  Vice-President  comes  from  a  stock  that  has 
been  noted  for  generations  for  the  instincts  of 
freedom,  the  traditions  of  patriotism  and 
uprightness  of  conduct.  He  was  born  in  New 
York  city  October  27,  1858.  He  was  primaril}^ 
educated  at  home  under  private  teachers^  and 
then   entered   Harvard.     He   was   one   of    the 


72  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

editors    of    the    undergraduate  journal,    *'The 
Advocate,"  and  was  prominent  in  athletics. 

Believes  in  Civil  Service. 

After  graduation  in  1880,  he  spent  a  year  in 
travel  and  study,  and  has  since  been  a  persistent 
student  even  under  the  pressure  of  official  life, 
and  at  intervals  an  ardent  traveler  in  both 
Europe  and  America.  For  many  years  he  has 
been  deeply  interested  in  the  purification  of 
political  and  official  life  and  the  application  of 
civil  service  rules  to  executive  conduct. 

As  an  intimate  associate  and  friend  of  George 
William  Curtis,  his  scholastic  and  oratorical 
abilities  brought  him  to  the  front  as  a  prominent 
champion  of  civil  service  principles.  He  served 
as  Assemblyman  in  the  New  York  Legislature 
during  the  years  1882-83  and  '84.  Mr.  Roose- 
velt introduced  the  first  civil  service  bill  in  the 
Legislature,  and  it  was  passed  in  1883,  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  passage  of  a  similar 
measure  in  the  National  Congress  at  Washing- 
ton. He  was  Chairman  of  the  New  York 
delegation  to  the  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion in  1884,  b^t)  although  his  name  was  already 
well  known,  his  personalty  did  not  impress 
itself  very  forcibly  on  the  Convention.  His 
speech  was  sharply  criticised,  and  some  of  the 
great  leaders  openly  made  fun  of  him. 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  73 

Nominated  for  Mayor  of  New  York. 

Roosevelt  was  nominated  as  the  independent 
candidate  for  nia3'or  of  New  York  city  in  1886, 
and,  although  endorsed  by  the  Republican 
part}^,  was  defeated  at  the  election.  In  May, 
1889,  President.  Harrison  appointed  him  Civil 
Service  Commissioner,  and  he  served  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Board  until  May,  1895.  During  his 
incumbency  he  was  untiring  in  his  endeavors 
to  apply  the  civil  service  principles  of  merit  and 
capacity  to  all  executive  departments,  with  the 
aggregate  result  that  instead  of  14,000  employes, 
as  when  he  began,  40,000  filled  their  positions 
under  its  rules,  largely  through  the  permissive 
clause  of  the  Civil  Service  act. 

This  position  of  Mr.  Roosevelt  as  President 
of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  made  his  name 
familiar  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  his 
reputation  for  rigid  honesty  of  purpose  and  fear- 
lessness of  character  was  firmly  established. 

President  of  New  York  Police  Commission. 

Legislative  investigation  having  disclosed  the 
appalling  corruption  which  existed  throughout 
the  New  York  city  police,  Mr.  Rooseveit  was 
naturally  looked  upon  as  the  one  man  who  could 
thoroughly  purge  the  city  and  restore  the 
morale  of  the  service.  The  appointment  of 
Police  Commissioner  was,  therefore,  offered  him 


74  Life  of  theodore  roosevelt. 

in  May,  1895,  and  lie  promptly  resigned  his 
position  as  Civil  Service  Commissioner  to  accept 
this  post. 

He  immediately  began  the  reorganization  of 
the  police  system  with  characteristic  vigor.  The 
The  prominent  features  of  his  administration 
were  impartial  and  relentless  enforcement  of  the 
laws  and  ordinances,  and  insistence  on  rigid 
honesty  and  fearlessness  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  the  police  and  a  rigorous  application 
of  civil  service  principles  in  appointments  to 
and  promotions  on  the  force. 

Such  drastic  changes  from  previous  practice 
in  the  department  raised  violent  opposition 
among  the  base  and  unthinking  classes,  which 
only  served  to  incline  Roosevelt's  purpose  more 
strongly  towards  the  enforcement  of  the  law 
and  equity.  Heretofore  it  had  been  considered 
thnt  an  effectual  and  impartial  enforcement  of 
excise  law  was  a  moral  and  a  physical  impossi- 
bility. In  a  short  time  he  proved  that  univer- 
sal Sunday  closing  of  saloons  was  a  fact,  and  a 
quiet  and  respectable  American  Sabbath  possi- 
ble. 

What  He  Did  for  Our  Navy. 

Shortly  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish- 
American  War  Roosevelt  was  tendered  the 
of&ce  of  Assistant  ^Secretary  of  the  Navy  by 
President   McKinley.     He   accepted  promptly, 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  75 

and  entered  on  liis  new  dnties  with  his  nsiial 
energy  and  enthusiasm.  He  worked  night  and 
day,  and  to  him  more  than  other  man,  probably, 
was  due  the  splendid  condition  of  the  United 
States  navy  when  the  war  with  Spain  began. 

He  had  only  been  in  office  a  short  time  when 
he  asked  for  an  appropriation  of  $800,000  for 
"practical  target"  shooting  in  the  nav}^,  and  a 
few  months  later  requested  another  appropria- 
tion of  $500,000  for  the  same  purpose.  This 
was  considered  reckless  extravagance,  and  he 
was  asked  what  became  of  the  ammunition 
which  was  purchased  with  the  $800,000.  He 
cooly  replied  that  it  was  all  shot  away,  and  he 
thought  it  might  be  that  he  would  do  the  same 
with  that  bought  with  the  $500,000  if  ;t  were 
given  him.  The  amount  was  appropriated,  and 
the  subsequent  results  at  Manila  and  Santiago 
justified  Roosevelt's  action,  and  completely 
silenced  the  talk  of  reckless  extravagance. 

It  was  at  Roosevelt's  suggestion,  so  it  is 
authoritatively  stated,  that  Commodore  George 
Dewey  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Asiatic 
Squadron  and  furnished  with  additional  ammu- 
nition. 

Leader  of  Cowboys. 

When  the  war  with  Spain  broke  out,  in  1898, 
Roosevelt  resigned  his  position  as  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  enter   the   army.     He 


76  FIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

began  the  formation  of  a  volnnteer  cavalry  regi- 
ment. The  recrnits  for  this  were  chiefly  West- 
ernt  cowboys  and  hnnters,  chosen  for  their 
courage  and  endurance,  and  were  called  the 
Rough  Riders.  But  they  were  also  joined  by 
men  from  every  part  of  the  country,  who  rep- 
resented many  nationalities  and  every  social 
grade. 

He  was  moved  to  organize  this  particular 
form  of  regiment  from  the  fact  that  years  before 
while  in  the  West  on  his  hunting  expeditions 
he  formed  the  acquaintance  of  numbers  of  cow- 
boys, to  whom  he  became  speedily  endeared  on 
account  of  his  devotion  to  sport,  his  skill  with 
the  rifle,  his  fine  horsemanship  and  his 
thoroughly  democratic  manners. 

Hero  of  San  Juan. 

He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Eighth  Regi" 
ment,  New  York  National  Guards,  from  1884 
until  1888,  and  for  a  time  had  served  as  captain, 
thus  gaining  experience  in  military  matters. 
The  Rough  Riders  was  commanded  by  Colonel 
Leonard  Wood,  of  the  regular  army,  and  a  close 
friend  of  Roosevelt.  The  latter  was  made 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  and,  on  June  15,  1898,  a 
part  of  the  croops  embarked  from  Tampa  with 
the  advance  guard  of  Shafter's  invading  army. 

The    Rough    Riders     took    part   in    all    the 


HOTEL     WALTON 

$ROAD   AND    LOCUST    STREETS,    PHILADELPHIA,    HEADQUARTERS   OF  THE 
REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  77 

engagements  preceding  the  fall  of  Santiago,  and 
at  tlie  battle  of  San  Juan,  on  July  i.  Colonel 
Roosevelt  distinguisHed  himself  by  leading  the 
desperate  charge  of  the  Ninth  Regiment  and 
the  Rough  Riders  up  San  Juan  Hill.  Known 
before  for  his  energy,  sterling  honests  and  capa- 
bility, and  deeply  respected  therefor.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Roosevelt,  by  this  magnificent  charge 
against  the  Spanish  forces,  became  one  of  the 
idolized  heroes  of  the  country. 

This  was  strengthened  by  his  subsequent 
acts  in  Cuba.  Every  hardship  experienced  by 
the  privates  was  shared  by  him,  and,  to  make 
the  Government  realize  the  danger  to  which 
Shafter's  army  was  exposed,  he  broke  official 
rule,  sending  a  vigorous  personal  complaint  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  and  initiating  a  ^' round 
robin,"  signed  by  various  officers,  the  result 
being  that  the  army  was  recalled.  This  viola- 
tion of  official  rules  deeply  angered  some  of 
those  in  power  at  Washington,  and  there  was 
talk  of  visiting  displeasure  on  his  head. 

But  Roosevelt  was  by  this  time  in  such  high 
favor  with  the  whole  people  that  nothing  was 
done,  beyond  the  publication  of  a  letter  by  Sec- 
retary of  War  Alger  reflecting  on  Roosevelt, 
which  was  received  with  general  denunciation, 
and  Roosevelt  was,  instead,  commissioned  Colo- 
nel on  July  II. 


's8  LIFE   OE   THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

Governor  of  New  York. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  was  nominated  as  Governoi 
of  New  York  State  on  September  27,  1898,  receiv- 
ing 753  votes,  as  against  214  cast  for  Governor 
Frank  S.  Black.  His  Democratic  opponent  was 
Jndge  Angnstus  Van  Wyck.  Colonel  Roosevelt 
entered  into  tlie  campaign  witli  characteristic 
enthusiasm,  and  visited  nearly  every  part  of 
the  State.  He  drew  to  his  support  the  majority 
of  the  Independent  Republicans  and  many  of 
the  Democrats,  and  carried  New  York  State  by 
a  plurality  of  18,079. 

He  brought  to  the  new  position  the  same  force 
and  personality  that  he  had  displayed  in  every- 
thing he  had  previously  undertaken.  Although 
classed  in  some  particulars  as  an  Independent 
Republican,  he  did  not  totally  ignore  the  machine. 
Nor  did  he  invariably  follow  its  advice.  He 
consulted  all  factions  and  followed  what  seemed 
to  him  to  be  the  best  course  for  the  State.  He 
maintained  his  reputation  for  independence,  yet 
held  the  respect  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
machine  managers. 

A  Writer  and  Lover  of  Sports. 

Like  many  other  men  born  to  wealth  and 
social  prominence.  Governor  Roosevelt  might 
have  readily  lapsed  into  habits  of  indolence, 
but,  coming  of  a  race  whose  mental  and  physical 


LIFE   OF   THEODORE    ROOSEVELT.  79 

endurance  is  seemingly  inexhaustible,  lie  is 
incessantly  industrious.  He  owns  a  ranch  on 
the  Little  Missouri  River,  in  North  Dakota, 
and  has  a  personal  acquaintance  with  life  on  the 
plains  and  in  the  wilderness.  As  a  daring 
hunter  of  big  game  he  is  a  conspicuous  figure 
among  American  sportsmen,  and  the  trophies 
of  the  chase  that  adorn  his  home  at  Sagamore 
Hill,  near  Oyster  Bay,  L.  I.,  testif}'  to  the  skill 
with  which  he  handles  a  rifle.  He  organized 
the  Boone  and  Crocket  Club,  and  for  a  long 
time  was  its  president. 

The  most  important  of  his  published  works 
are  the  four  volumes  bearing  the  collective  title, 
''  The  Winning  of  the  West."  These  have  for 
their  subject  the  acquisition  by  the  United 
States  of  the  territory  west  of  the  Allegheu}- 
Mountains,  and  in  their  intrinsic  merit  and 
their  importance  as  contributions  to  history, 
they  rank  with  the  works  of  Parkman.  The 
"  Rough  Riders  "  is  a  work  which  will  take  its 
place  among  the  authoritative  works  on  the 
Spanish  American  war. 

Governor  Roosevelt  is  also  known  as  a  suc- 
cessful and  a  captivating  lecturer.  He  is  a 
member  of  the  Reformed  (Dutch)  Church,  with 
which  his  family  has  been  connected  for  gener- 
ations. He  holds  membership  in  many  clubs, 
both  social  and  political.    He  is  a  trustee  of  the 


80  LIFE   OF   THEODORE   ROOSEVFLt. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History  in  New 

York  and  is  a  member  of  tlie    State   Charities 

Aid  Association.   Columbia  University  awarded 

him  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  in  rSSg. 

He  was  married  when  a  very  young  man  to 

Vlice  Lee,  of  Boston,  who  died  two  years  later, 

leaving   a  daughter.       He  was   married  again 

in  1886  to  Edith  Kermit  Carrow,  of  New  York. 

They    have    six    children,    four    of  whom    are 

sons. 

Senator  Depew  Eulogizes  Roosevelt. 

After  the  Rough  Rider  had  been  nominated 
in  the  convention,  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of 
New  York,  was  called  to  the  platform  to  second 
the  nomination.  His  speech  made  a  great  hit, 
and  was  received  with  alternate  cheers  and 
laughter.     He  said  : 

''  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Permit  me 
to  state  to  you  at  the  outset  that  I  am  not  upon 
the  programme,  but  I  will  gladly  perform  the 
pleasant  duty  of  announcing  that  New  York 
came  here,  as  did  every  other  delegation,  for 
Colonel  Roosevelt  for  Vice  President  of  the 
United  States.     (Applause.) 

"  When  Colonel  Roosevelt  expressed  to  us 
his  wish  that  he  should  not  be  considered  we 
respected  it,  and  we  proposed  to  place  in  nomi- 
nation, by  our  unanimous  vote,  our  Lieutenant 
Governor,    the    Hon.    Timothy    L.     Woodruff. 


LIFE   OF   1'HEODORE    ROOSEVELT.  81 

Now  tliat  the  Colonel  has  responded  to  the 
call  of  the  Convention  and  the  demand  of  the 
people,  New  York  withdraws  Mr.  Woodrnff, 
and  puts  Roosevelt  in  nomination.  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  nominating  him  two  3'ears  ago  for 
Governor,  when  all  the  signs  pointed  to  the  loss 
of  New  York  in  the  election  ;  but  he  charged 
up  and  down  the  old  State,  from  Montauk  Point 
to  Niagara  Falls,  as  he  went  up  San  Juan  Hill 
(applause),  and  the  Democrats  fled  before  him 
as  the  Spaniards  did  in  Cuba.  (Applause.)  It 
is  a  peculiarity  of  American  life  that  our  men 
are  not  born  to  anything,  but  they  get  there 
afterward. 

McKinley,  a  young  soldier,  and  coming  out 
a  major  ;  McKinley  a  Congressman,  and  making 
a  tariff ;  McKinley  a  President  elected  because 
he  represented  the  protection  of  American 
industries,  and  McKinley,  after  four  years 
development  in  peace,  in  war,  m  prosperit}-  and 
in  adversity,  the  greatest  President,  save  one  or 
two,  that  this  country  ever  had,  is  the  greatest 
ruler  in  Christennom  to-da3^     (Applause.) 

^*We  Call  Him  Teddy.  ^^ 

So    with     Roosevelt — we     call      him     Teddy. 

(Applause.)  He  was   the  child  of  New  York,  of 

New  York  city,  the  place  that  young  gentlemen 

from  the   West    think    means  *' coupons,"  clubs 

6 


82  LIFE    OF   THEODORE    ROOSEVELT. 

and  eternal  damnation  for  everyone.  Teddy  is 
this  child  of  Fifth  avenue.  He  was  the  child 
of  the  clubs  ;  he  was  the  child  of  the  exclusive- 
ness  of  Harvard  College,  and  he  went  West 
and  became  a  cowboy  (applavLse  and  laughter), 
and  then  he  went  into  the  Navy  Department 
and  became  an  assistant  secretary.  He  gave 
an  order,  and  the  old  chiefs  of  bureaus  came  to 
him  and  said  :  '^  Why,  Colonel,  there  is  no 
authority  and  no  requisition  to  burn  this 
powder." 

''Well,"  said  the  Colonel,  ''we  have  got  to 
get  ready  when  war  comes,  and  powder  must  be 
manufactured  to  be  burned  (applause).  And 
the  burning  of  that  powder  sunk  Cervera's  fleet 
outside  of  Santiago's  harbor,  and  the  fleet  in 
Manilla  Bay."     (Applause.) 

Rushed  Up  tfae  Hill. 

At  Santiago  a  modest  voice  was  heard  ex- 
ceedingly polite,  addressing  a  militia  regiment, 
lying  on  the  ground,  while  the  Spanish  bullets 
were  flying  over  them.  This  voice  said  :  '*  Get 
one  side  gentlemen,  please,  one  side,  gentlemen, 
please,  that  my  men  can  get  out."  And  when  this 
polite  man  got  his  men  out  in  the  open  where 
they  could  face  the  bayonet  and  face  the  bullets 
there  was  a  transformation,  and  the  transforma- 
tion was  that  the  dude  had  become  a  cowboy, 


LIFE   OF   THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  83 

tlie  cowbo}^  had  become  a  soldier,  the  soldier 
had  become  a  hero,  and,  rushing  up  the  hill, 
pistol  in  hand  (great  applause),  the  polite  man 
shouted  to  the  militiamen  lying  down  :  "  Give 
them  hell,  boys.  Give  them  hell.''  (Applause.) 
Allusion  has  been  made  by  one  of  the  speak- 
ers to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  convention 
is  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July.  Great  Scott. 
The  4th  of  July  (laughter).  On  the  4th  of 
Jul}^  all  the  great  heroes  of  the  Revolution,  all 
the  great  heroes  of  the  War  of  181 2,  all  the 
great  heroes  of  Mexico,  and  the  heroes  of  the 
war  with  Spain  who  are  not  dead,  will  be  in  pro- 
cession all  over  the  country,  those  mighty 
spirits,  but  they  will  not  be  at  the  Democratic 
convention  at  Kansas  City. 

Our  Grand  Record. 

"  Now,  my  friends,  this  canvass  we  are  enter- 
ing upon  is  a  canvass  of  the  future  ;  the  part}^ 
is  to  go  on  record  and  for  reference,  and,  thank 
God !  we  have  a  reference  and  a  record. 
What  is  the  tendency  of  the  future  ?  Why 
this  war  in  South  Africa  ?  Why  this  hammer- 
ing at  the  gates  of  Pekin  ?  Why  this  marching 
of  troops  from  Asia  to  Africa  ?  Why  these 
parades  of  people  from  other  empires  and  other 
lands  ?  It  is  because  the  surplus  production  of 
the    civilized    countries    of    modern   times  are 


84  LIFE   OF   THEODORE    ROOSEVELT. 

greater  than  civilization  can  consume..  It  is 
because  this  overproduction  goes  back  to  stag- 
nation and  to  poverty. 

The  American  people  now  produce  two  thous- 
and millions  dollars'  worth  more  than  we  can 
consume,  and  we  have  not  the  emergency,  and, 
by  the  Providence  of  God,  by  the  statesmanship 
of  William  McKinley,  and  by  the  valor  of 
Roosevelt  and  his  associates  (applause)  we  have 
our  market  in  Cuba,  we  have  our  market  in 
Porto  Rico,  we  have  our  market  in  Hawaii,  we 
have  market  in  the  Philippines,  and  we  stand 
in  the  presence  of  eight  hundred  millions  of 
people  with  the  Pacific  as  an  American  lake,  and 
the  American  artisan  producing  better  and 
cheaper  goods  than  any  country  in  the  world, 
and,  my  friends,  we  go  to  American  labor,  and 
to  the  American  farm,  and  say  that,  with 
McKinley  for  another  four  years,  there  is  no 
congestion  for  America. 

Labor  Employed. 

Let  invention  proceed,  let  production  go  on, 
let  the  mountains  bring  forth  their  treasures, 
let  the  factories  do  their  best,  let  labor  be 
employed  at  the  highest  wages,  because  the 
world  wide  is  ours,  and  we  have  conquered  it 
by  Republican  principles  and  by  Republican 
persistency    in    the    principles    of    American 


1 


CHARLES     EMORY    SMITH 

POSTMASTER    GENERAL 


WILIvIAINI    Ik    AIvIvISON 


LIFE   OF   THEODORE    ROOSEVELT.  85 

industry    and    America     for    Americans.      (Ap- 
plause,) 

You  and  I,  my  friends — you  from  New  Eng- 
land, witli  all  its  culture  and  its  coldness 
(laugliter),  and  you  from  the  Middle  West, 
who,  starting  from  Ohio  and  radiating  in  every 
direction,  think  you  are  all  there  is  of  it 
(laughter),  you  from  the  West,  who  produced 
on  this  platform  a  product  of  New  England 
transformed  to  the  West  through  New  York) 
that  delivered  the  best  presiding  of6.cer's  speech 
in  oratory  and  all  that  makes  up  a  great  speech, 
that  has  been  heard  in  many  a  day  in  any  con- 
vention in  this  country.  (Applause  and  cries 
of  ^'Good!  Good!") 

It  was  a  glorious  thing  to  see  the  fervor  of 
the  West  and  the  culture  and  polish  of  New 
England  giving  us  an  ammunition  wagon  from 
which  the  spellbinder  everywhere  can  draw  the 
powder  to  shoot  down  opposition  East  and  West 
and  North  and  South. 

Wor Id-Power  for  Peace. 

Many  of  you  I  met  in  convention  four  years 
ago.  We  all  feel  what  little  men  we  were  then 
compared  with  what  we  are  to-day.  There  is 
not  a  man  here  that  does  not  feel  400  per  cent, 
bigger  in  1900  than  he  did  in  1896,  bigger 
intellectually,    bigger  hopefully,  bigger  patriot- 


86  LIFE   OF   THEODORE    ROOSEVELT. 

ically,  bigger  in  tlie  breast  from  the  fact  that  lie 
is  a  citizen  of  a  country  tbat  Has  become  a 
world-power  for  peace,  for  civilization,  and  for 
tbe  expansion  of  its  industries  and  tbe  products 
of  its  labor. 

We  bave  tbe  best  ticket  ever  presented. 
(Applause.)  We  bave  at  tbe  bead  of  it  a 
Western  man  witb  Eastern  notions,  and  we 
bave  at  tbe  otber  nd  ean  Eastern  man  witb 
Western  cbaracter  (loud  applause.)  Tbe  states- 
man and  tbe  cowboy.  Tbe  accomplisbed  man 
of  affairs  and  tbe  beroic  figbter.  Tbe  man  wbo 
bas  proved  great  as  President,  and  tbe  figbter 
wbo  bas  proved  great  as  Governor.  (Applause.) 
We  leave  tbis  old  town  simply  to  keep  on 
sbouting  and  working  to  make  it  unanimous 
for  McKinley  and  for  Roosevelt. 

Personal  Characteristics. 

Governor  Roosevelt  was  tbe  busiest  man  in 
Pbiladelpbia  during  bis  sbort  stay  tbere  at  tbe 
Convention.  His  appartments  at  tbe  Walton 
were  crowded  witb  visitors  from  morning  till 
uigbt.  He  is  a  very  accessible  man  under  ordi- 
nary circumstances.  He  is  tborougbly  demo- 
cratic. But  wben  a  bundred  men  were  clamor- 
ing for  admittance  at  once  it  was  a  pbysical 
impossibility  to  see  tbem  all. 

Gaining  admittance  to  bis  anteroom  was  easy. 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  87 

You  simply  sent  your  card  upstairs  and  were 

ushered  into  tlie  crowd  tliat  was  waiting  there. 

You  could  stay  there  all  day  if  you  wanted  to. 

Nobody  interfered  with   you.     A  box  of  cigars 

was  always  on  the  table,  and  all  you  had  to  do 

was  light  one,  sit  in  an  easy  chair  if  you  could 

find  one  empty,   and  wait.      An   hour  of  this 

waiting  showed  you  more  of  the  personal  side 

of  the  Governor  than  you  could  get  in  any  other 

way. 

A  Man  of  Great  Energy. 

There  is  one  impression  that  he  leaves  upon 
the  mind  of  everyone — explosive  energy.  When 
he  is  dismissing  a  visitor  he  is  all  cheerfulness 
and  smiles  and  he  pats  his  guest's  shoulder 
affectionately,  and  with  a  hearty  laugh  and 
another  shake  of  the  hand,  turns  to  greet  the 
next  comer.  He  never  seems  bored.  His  last 
visitor  is  greeted  as  explosively  and  just  as 
heartily  as  was  the  first. 

When  you  are  introduced  to  him  his  eyes 
contract  a  little  sternly  as  he  fixes  you  with 
them  for  a  moment,  then  his  face  relaxes  into 
a  broad  smile  that  shows  every  one  of  his 
white,  even  teeth,  and  the  first  thing  you  know 
your  fingers  are  almost  crushed  in  his  grasp 
and  your  arm  is  almost  shaken  loose  while 
his  words  come  as  though  they  were  shot 
out. 


88  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

^^  Delighted,  I'm  sure.  Delighted.  How  do 
you  do  ? 

It  is  a  formula  he  uses  with  little  varia- 
tion yet  it  does  not  seem  a  formula  at  all.  He 
seems  to  mean  every  word  of  it  in  every  case. 
In  conversation  he  is  all  earnestness  and  is 
direct  almost  to  fierceness.  His  voice  is  some- 
what harsh  yet  there  is  always  a  tone  of  hearty 
cheerfulness  in  it  that  relieves  it  from  un- 
pleasantness. 

Emphatic  Gestures. 

To  look  at  his  back  as  he  stands  talking  to 
any  one,  you  discover  nothing  notable  until  he 
begins  to  emphasize  a  point.  Then  his  head 
darts  straight  forward  three  or  four  inches  in 
a  way  that  cannot  be  adequately  described, 
his  big  shoulders  raise  and  he  begins  to 
pound  one  fist  into  the  palm  of  the  other 
hand. 

A  front  view  of  this  emphasis  reveals  other 
peculiarities.  The  muscles  of  his  face  seem  to 
be  working  continuously  while  he  is  talking. 
First  he  will  contract  his  eyebrows  into  a  frown, 
then  he  will  draw  back  his  lips  until  his  teeth, 
fiercely  set  on  edge,  are  revealed.  This  is  one 
of  the  most  peculiar  of  his  several  peculiarities. 
His  lips  are  constantly  being  curled  and  drawn 
back  and  his  teeth  shown. 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  89 

While  he  is  talking  to  you  you  cannot  get 
away  from  his  eyes.  Behind  his  thick  glasses 
they  blaze,  small,  flashing,  fascinating.  There 
is  no  fear  in  them,  no  hesitation  or  doubt.  They 
reveal  the  man  who  has  made  up  his  mind  that 
he  is  right  and  is  going  ahead.  His  hand  is 
constantly  on  your  shoulder.  It  is  not  gushing 
affection.  It  is  simply  a  superabundance  of 
nervous  energy. 

In  Constant  Motion. 

Some  part  of  his  body  is  constantly  moving. 
He  cannot  keep  still.  If  he  is  talking  to  two 
men  he  will  pat  first  one  and  then  the  other  on 
the  back,  his  tone  will  grow  more  earnest,  and 
when  he  comes  to  the  point  he  will  take  both 
men  by  the  shoulder,  draw  them  close  to  him 
confidentially,  shoot  his  head  forward,  bare  his 
teeth  and  then  his  words  explode  one  after  the 
other,  sharply,  tersely,  almost  hammer-like.  He 
is  a  bunch  of  steel  wire^  a  trip-hammer  that  is 
constantly  pounding.  Colonel  Roosevelt's  body 
is  stocky.  His  broad  shoulders  are  rounded 
just  enough  to  give  an  impression  of  thick, 
corded  muscles.  He  cannot  be  much  over  5 
feet  5  inches  in  height,  yet  he  is  impressive 
He  is  a  man  that  one  would  not  overlook  in  a 
crowd-  Even  a  back  view  somehow  speaks  of 
energy,  of  forcefuliicss,  of  earnestness. 


90  LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

Though  it  is  said  that  he  is  impulsive  and 
lacks  somewhat  in  self-control,  and  though 
one's  first  impression  is  that  this  is  so,  yet  one 
soon  begins  to  feel  that  no  careless  word  escapes 
him — that  what  he  says  will  not  be  regret'  cl 
afterward. 

Knows  When  to  be  Silent. 

During  a  lull  in  the  rush  of  visitors  to  his 
room,  he  walked  out  and  joined  a  few  that 
remained.  They  were  almost  all  personal 
friends,  but  one  or  two  were  correspondents  of 
newspapers.  Colonel  Roosevelt  began  talking 
of  an  interview  he  had  had  with  Senator  Piatt. 
The  interview  had  appeared  in  the  news- 
papers. 

'^It  was  all  very  well  the  way  they  had 
printed  it,"  he  said  loud  enough  for  his  voice  to 
fill  the  room,  "but  there  is  another  side  to  the 
story  that  would  look  interesting  in  print.  You 
see,  it  was  this  way." 

He  glanced  around  the  room  and  his  eyes 
met  those  of  one  of  the  correspondents.  He 
stopped  short  and  smiled.  "Oh,  well,  never 
mind,"  he  said. 

He  knew  that  every  word  he  spoke  would  be 
sent  hot  over  the  wires,  and  that  the  next  day 
the  whole  country  would  read  the  "other  side" 
to  the  Piatt  interview. 


LIFE  OF    THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  91 

A  Full  Grown  Man. 

Roosevelt's  name  appeals  to  the  imagination 
and  the  hero-worshipping  spirit,  and  will  draw 
to  the  ticket  the  support  of  those  who  love  a 
fighter  and  a  man  who  does  things.  And  Roose- 
velt is  not  merely  a  rough  rider,  a  dashing 
trooper,  a  breezy  cowboy  jingling  his  spurs  and 
joyously  risking  his  neck  wherever  he  can  find 
something  perilous  to  be  done. 

He  is  a  man  of  serious  affairs  in  public  and 
private  life,  and  has  shown  remarkable  capacity 
for  doing  well  the  work  of  a  public  servant  in 
important  stations.  He  has  not  only  the  admir- 
ation of  the  crowd,  but  the  confidence  of 
thoughtful  men  of  business,  and  he  is  known  to 
be  as  honest  and  sincere  as  he  is  strenuous  and 
courageous.  No  other  candidate  for  the  second 
place  on  the  ticket  could  have  given  it  the  sup- 
plemental strength  that  is  imparted  to  it  by  the 
name  of  New  York's  rough  riding  governor. 

His  Immense  Popularity. 

Governor  Roosevelt's  entrance  into  the  audi- 
torium of  the  Convention  was  always  the  scene 
of  the  wildest  enthusiasm.  Once  he  attempted 
to  conceal  himself  by  removing  his  famous 
black  slouch  hat  and  carrying  it  in  his  hand  ; 
but  at  last  a  voice  yelled  "  Roosevelt !  .voose- 
velt !"  and  with  a  dash  becoming   the  hero  of 


92  LIFE   OF    THEODORE    ROOSEVELT. 

El  Caney,  lie  made  a  rush  for  his  seat,  well  to 
the  front  of  the  hall. 

When  he  was  nominated  crowds  pushed 
toward  him  and  an  army  of  hands  were  out- 
stretched to  congratulate  him.  The  hall  was 
Rooseyelt  mad.  Only  his  presence  was  needed 
to  urge  the  throng  to  yell  and  yell  for  the 
famous  Rough  Rider.  As  he  sprinted  down 
the  aisle  men  ran  after  him,  and  seemed  satisfied 
just  to  touch  his  coat-tails.  The  great  audience 
rose  en  masse  and  gave  him  a  greeting  he  could 
not  ignore.  He  turned  to  the  right  and  left 
and  bowed,  only  to  increase  the  enthusiasm, 
which  was  intense.  Assuming  his  seat,  he  was 
at  once  surrounded  by  a  howling  crowd. 

Senator  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey,  was  one  of  the 
first  of  the  noted  men  in  the  hall  at  the  time  to 
rush  toward  the  Rou^h  Rider. 

"Roosevelt,"  he  said,  '^I  knew  this  would 
come  around.  I  am  one  of  your  happiest  friends. 
Please  accept  my  heart's  best  wishes." 

''Senator,"  came  the  swift  reply,  "I  stood  out 
as  long  as  I  could.  I  had  to  fall  into  line,  and 
here  I  am." 

Before  he  had  finished  the  sentence  he  espied 
a  colored  delegate  in  the  crowd  about  him,  and, 
pushing  his  hand  through  the  crowd  he  said : 
''Hello,  John!  I  know  you  told  me  so.  Well, 
the  fact  is,  I  couldn't  help  it" 


ROBERT  T.   LINCOIvN 


■j^'»t"^r,   ^  •"-■ 


LIFE  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  9:3 

"Hurrah  for  Roosevelt!"  came  a  woman's 
voice  in  the  gallery.  It  was  taken  up  all  over 
the  hall,  and  for  fully  a  minute  every  mortal 
there  was  upon  his  feet  yelling  for  Roosevelt 
and  Roosevelt  seemed  the  least  pleased  of  the 
admiring  throng. 

After  several  outbursts  of  applause  he  held 
an  impromptu  reception  at  the  New  York  head- 
quarters, and  everybody  that  could  get  within 
reach  of  him  caught  his  hand  and  gave  it  a 
hearty,  warm  squeeze. 

Concerning  Governor  Roosevelt's  nomination 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  one  of  our  large  journals 
said  : 

"  The  many  who  followed  the  reports  and  edi- 
torial discussions  of  the  progress  of  the  Repub- 
lican National  Convention,  were  fully  prepared 
for  the  inevitable  culmination  that  was  reached 
in  the  Convention  b}^  the  nomination  of  Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt  for  Vice-President,  not  merel}^ 
by  every  vote  excepting  his  own,  but  with  a 
yell  worthy  of  the  Texas  rough  riders  who 
battled  with  him  at  San  Juan." 

"  There  was  but  one  way  out  of  the  compli- 
cation on  the  Vice  Presidency.  The  convention 
wanted  Roosevelt  ;  the  administration  leaders 
would  not  make  a  choice,  but  the  strong  ele- 
ments centering  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania 
which  were  not  in    the    closest    sympathy  with 


94  LIFE   OF   THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

CHairman  Hanna,  saw  their  opportunity  and 
there  never  was  an  hour  when  the  Convention 
was  in  session  that  Roosevelt  couldn't  have 
beeen  stampeded  through  the  convention  for  Vice 
President,  regardless  of  all  the  safeguards  taken 
to  prevent  it.  His  nomination  was  an  apparent 
rather  than  a  real  triumph  over  Hanna,  who  had 
the  good  sense,  when  he  saw  that  the  Conven- 
tion was  overwhelmingly  and  determinedly  for 
Roosevelt,  to  accept  the  situation  gracefully  and 
bow  to  the  convention  rather  than  to  those  who 
were  in  conflict  with  him. 

The  Strongest  Candidate. 

^'  Roosevelt's  name  calls  out  a  larger  measure 
of  enthusiasm  than  that  of  any  of  the  other 
prominent  Republicans  of  the  country,  and  he 
will  probably  be  the  strongest  candidate  for 
Vice-President  that  the  Republicans  could  have 
chosen.  There  will  be  harsh  criticisms  of  his 
military  career  and  of  his  civil  administration, 
both  municipal  and  State,  but  "  Teddy,  the 
Rough  Rider,"  will  always  be  a  hero  with  the 
people  no  matter  what  may  be  said  or  even 
proved  against  him  at  this  late  day  in  a  political 
campaign,  and  State  and  municipal  records  will 
likely  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  overshadowing 
national  issues  which  will  decide  the  national 
battle  of  this  year." 


LIFE   OF   THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  95 

Another  influential  j  ournal  endorsed  Governor 
Roosevelt  in  the  following  statement  : 

"Theodore  Roosevelt  was  nominated  the  can- 
didate of  the  Republican  party  for  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States.  One  of  the  significant 
facts  of  this  nomination  is  that  it  was  not  only 
unsought,  but  undesired,  by  its  recipient. 
Indeed,  there  have  been  in  the  history  of 
American  politics  few,  if  any,  such  striking 
instances  as  this  of  the  of&ce  determinedly 
pursuing  the  man  and  the  man  as  resolutely 
avoiding  the  office.  The  honor  of  being  named 
for  the  second  highest  place  in  the  gift  of  the 
nation  was  literally  thrust  upon  Governor 
Roosevelt. 

dominated  by  the  People. 

"The  nomination  was  forced  upon  the  leaders, 
and  would  have  been  made  without  the  support 
of  those  leaders  who  were  favorable  to  it.  Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt's  nomination  was  forced  by  the 
irresistible  will  and  power  of  his  countrymen. 
It  was  their  recognition  of  those  real  qualities 
of  strenuous  American  manhood,  of  the  heroic 
endeavor  and  achievement,  of  the  moral  courage 
and  intellectual  virility,  of  the  high  public  spirit 
and  patriotic  purposes  which  they  believe  the 
candidate  represents  in  his  character,  and  that 
he  has   proclaimed   in   his  sayings  and  doings. 


96  LIFE   OF   THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

wMcli  caused  popular  sentimeut  to  demand  his 
nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

^'The  honor  thus  thrust  upon  the  recipient 
was  enhanced  b}^  the  fact  that  many  of  those 
who  demanded  that  the  convention  should  make 
Mr.  Roosevelt  the  Republican  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  dissent  from  some  of  his  politi- 
cal opinions  and  policies.  Although  disapprov- 
ing them,  his  countrymen  recognize  that  his 
views  are  honestly,  sincerely  entertained  by 
him  ;  that  his  character  imparts  to  them  the 
dignity  and  strength  of  convictions,  and  that 
they  are  based  on  the  bedrock  of  personal 
integrity  and  fidelity  to  high  ideas  of  public 
policy  and  duty. 

Every  Inch  a  Man. 

**They  similarly  recognize  the  manly  vigor  of 
the  Americanism  of  the  candidate  of  their 
choice ;  they  perceive  in  him,  or  believe  they 
do,  a  man  set  apart  from  the  ordinary  politican; 
a  nobler,  abler,  more  patriotic  and  heroic  figure 
in  the  political  life  of  this  generation  than  the 
hosts  of  sordid  partisans  who  assume  to  be 
leaders  in  the  councils  and  captains  in  the 
camps  of  the  two  great  parties.  His  nomination 
is  the  testimony  of  the  people  to  their  confident 
faith  in  his  worth  as  a  citizen  of  the  great 
Repubic." 


Republican  National  Convention 
of  1900. 

nPHE  Convention  began  its  sessions,  June 
^  i9tli,  in  Philadelphia.  On  the  evening  of 
the  1 8th  there  was  a  brilliant  parade  of  30,000 
Republicans,  comprising  the  Allied  Clubs  of 
Philadelphia,  and  various  Republican  organiza- 
tions from  near  and  distant  cities,  that  had 
arrived  to  attend  the  Convention.  The  route  of 
the  parade  was  made  brilliant  by  colored  lights, 
^vaving  flags  and  bands  playing  patriotic  music. 

On  Tuesday,  the  19th,  Convention  Hall  took 
on  an  animated  appearance  about  11  o'clock, 
when  the  seats  surrounding  the  enclosure 
reserved  for  the  delegates  began  to  fill  up.  The 
delegates  began  arriving  early,  those  from  the 
Western  and  Southern  States  being  the  first  to 
put  in  an  appearance.  A  notable  feature  in  the 
gathering  of  the  delegates  was  the  very  orderly 
way  in  which  the  majority  found  their  seats. 

Governor  Roosevelt,  Senator  Depew,  and 
National  Chairman  Hanna  walked  down  the 
central  aisle  just  at  the  noon  hour,  and  were  by 
far  the  leading  characters  of  the  gathering  celeb- 
rities. Cheer  after  cheer  rolled  out  over  the 
great  hall  for  Roosevelt,  who  found  his  chair 
7  97 


98      REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

close  by  Senator  Piatt.  Mr.  Depew  stood  aside 
to  allow  Hanna  to  pass,  and  tlien  took  his  place 
with  the  New  Yorkers,  sitting  down  with  Roose- 
velt and  Senator  Brackitt,  of  Saratoga. 

Everbody  in  the  hall  rose  en  mass  to  greet 
the  Rongh  Rider.  The  arrival  of  Governor 
Roosevelt  was  the  occasion  of  the  first  lively 
scene  in  the  hall.  Instantly  the  Governor  was 
recognized  and  a  cheer  went  np  which  con- 
tinned  nntil  the  Rongh  Rider  reached  his  seat. 
People  stood  on  chairs  and  everybody  craned 
their  necks  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  man  who 
was  believed  to  be  the  choice  of  the  Con- 
vention for  Vice-President. 

The  twelfth  National  Republican  Convention 
may  be  said  to  have  formally  opened  at  25 
minutes  to  i  o'clock,  when  Sergeant-at-Arms 
Wiswell  signalled  to  the  leader  of  the  band  to 
play  '^  America."  When  the  first  notes  of  the 
selection  were  heard  the  entire  audience  arose 
and  stood  standing  until  the  end  of  the  music. 

Three  raps  from  the  Sergeant-at-Arms'  gavel 
called  the  Convention  to  order,  and  immediately 
National  Chairman  Marcus  A.  Hanna  stepped 
to  the  centre  of  the  platform,  who,  after  a 
cheer  for  him  had  been  given  spontaneously, 
announced  that  the  Convention  was  called  to 
order.  Chairman  Hanna  then  introduced  the 
the   Rev.    Dr.  J.    Gray    Bolton,    pastor  of    the 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.       99 

Hope  Presbyterian  Churcli,  West  Philadelphia, 
as  the  chaplain  of  the  Convention.  Dr.  Bolton 
offered  the  following  prayer  : 

'^OThon  who  art  a  spirit  infinite,  eternal, 
unchangeable  in  Thy  being,  wisdom,  power, 
holiness,  justice,  goodness,  and  truth.  Thou 
art  the  sovereign  God,  the  Creator,  Ruler,  Dis- 
poser of  us  and  all  that  Thou  hast  made.  Thy 
thoughts  are  not  our  thoughts,  nor  Thy  ways 
our  ways.  Thy  mercy  is  not  limited  to  persons 
and  to  races,  but  comprehendeth  all  that  live 
and  breathe. 

"Bless  Thy  name.  Thy  glory  is  shown  and 
Thy  kingdom  established  and  advanced  in  leading 
men  and  nations  by  a  way  that  they  knew  not, 
to  a  land  of  security  and  peace.  Oh,  that  men 
would  praise  Thee  for  Thy  goodness,  and  for 
Thy  wonderful  works  to  the  children  of  men. 

"We  adore  Thee  for  the  way  in  which  Thou 
hast  led  us.  The  glory  and  honor  of  our  nation 
is  the  manifestation  of  our  power  and  glory. 
Thou  hast  led  in  ways  not  of  our  own  choosing; 
ways  best  for  us  and  most  to  Thy  glory.  May 
we  cheerfully  follow  where  Thou  leadest ! 

"  Thou  has  been  the  God  of  our  fathers.  Thou 
art  the  God  of  their  children.  Our  trust  is  in 
Thee.  Save  us,  O  Lord,  from  ingratitude  and 
discontent.  Give  us  the  spirit  of  praise  and 
thanksgiving.     Grant  that  we,  as  a  nation  and  a 


100    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

people,  may  remember  Thy  goodness,  and  praise 
Thee  for  continued  life  and  prosperity. 

"O  Lord  our  God,  let  Thv  richest  blessing- 
rest  upon  Thy  servant,  the  President  of  these 
United  States.  Imbue  him  with  a  competency 
of  Thy  divine  wisdom,  that  he  may  direct  the 
affairs  of  the  nation  to  Thy  glory  and  the  well- 
being  of  all  our  people. 

"We humbly  beseech  Thee,  O  Lord  God,  to 
bless  all  in  authority.  Sustain  them  in  their 
responsible  relations  to  Thee  and  a  free  people. 

"  O  God  of  all  wisdom  and  grace,  grant  unto 
this  assembly  wisdom,  grace,  and  guidance,  that 
in  all  their  deliberations  and  conclusions  Thy 
name  shall  be  glorified,  the  honor  of  this  nation 
maintained,  and  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
people  established. 

"Glor3^beto  the  Father,  and  to  the  Son,  and 
to  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  it  was  in  the  beginning, 
is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,  world  without  end. 
Amen." 

Edward  O.  Wolcott,  United  States  Senator 
from  Colorado,  was  given  an  ovation  when  he 
faced  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  in  the 
character  of  temporary  chairman  at  12.54  P.  M., 
being  introduced  by  Senator  Hanna.  It  was 
several  minutes  before  he  was  able  to .  begin 
his  carefully  prepared  speech.  When  he  did  he 
was  given  the  closest  attention   and  the  various 


r 


-#%^ 


SENATOR     CHARLES     W.     FAIRBANKS 


-^, 


GEORGE    F.    HOAR 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     101 

points  lie  made  were  heartily  applauded.  He 
spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Since  the  first  party  Convention  in  these 
United  States,  there  was  never  one  gathered 
together  under  such  hopeful  and  auspicious 
circumstances  as  those  which  surround  us  to- 
day. United,  proud  of  the  achievements  of  the 
past  four  years,  our  country  prosperous  and 
happy,  with  nothing  to  regret  and  naught  to 
make  ashamed,  with  a  record  spotless  and 
clean,  the  Republican  party  stands  facing  the 
dawn,  confident  that  the  ticket  it  shall  present 
will  command  public  approval,  and  that  in 
the  declaration  of  its  principles  and  its  purposes, 
it  will  voice  the  aspirations  and  hopes  of  the 
vast  majority  of  American  freeman. 

"We  need  'no  omen  but  our  country's 
cause;'  yet  there  is  significance  in  the  fact 
that  the  Convention  is  assembled  in  this  his- 
toric and  beautiful  city,  where  we  first  assumed 
territorial  responsibilities,  when  our  fathers,  a 
century  and  a  quarter  ago,  promulgated  the 
immortal  Declaration  of  Independence. 

"The  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty  that  ani- 
mated them  found  voice  three-quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury later  in  this  same  City  of  Brotherl}^  Love, 
w^hen  Fremont  led  the  forlorn  hope  of  united 
patriots  who  laid  here  the  foundations  of  our 
party  and  put  human  freedom  as  its  cornerstone. 


102     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

It  compelled  our  ears  to  listen  to  the  cry  of  suf- 
fering across  the  shallow  waters  of  the  Gulf  two 
years  ago.  While  we  observe  the  law  of  nations 
and  maintain  that  neutralit}^  which  we  owe  to 
a  great  and  friendly  government,  the  same 
spirit  lives  to-day  in  the  genuine  feeling  of  sym- 
pathy we  cherish  for  the  brave  men  now  fight- 
ing for  their  homes  in  the  veldts  of  South 
Africa. 

"It  prompts  us  in  our  determination  to  give 
the  dusky  races  of  the  Philippines  the  blessings 
of  good  government  and  republican  institutions, 
and  finds  voice  in  our  indignant  protest  against 
the  violent  suppression  of  the  rights  of  the 
colored  man  in  the  South.  That  spirit  will  sur- 
vive in  the  breasts  of  patriotic  men  as  long  as 
the  nation  endures  ;  and' the  events  of  the  past 
have  taught  us  that  it  can  find  its  fair  and  free 
and  full  expression  only  in  the  principles  and 
policy  of  the  Republican  party. 

Glowing  Tribute  to  McKinley. 

"  The  first  and  pleasant  duty  of  this  great 
Convention,  as  well  as  its  instinctive  impulse, 
is  to  send  a  message  of  affectionate  greeting  to 
our  leader  and  our  country's  President,  William 
McKinley.  In  all  that  pertains  to  our  welfare 
in  times  of  peace,  his  genius  has  directed  us. 
He  has   shown    an    unerring   mastery   of  the 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     103 

economic  problems  which  confront  us,  and  Has 
guided  us  out  of  the  slough  of  financial  disaster, 
impaired  credit  and  commercial  stagnation,  up 
to  the  high  and  safe  ground  of  national  pros- 
perity and  financial  stability.  Through  the 
delicate  and  tr^dng  events  of  the  late  war  he 
stood  firm,  courageous  and  conservative,  and 
under  his  leadership  we  have  emerged  triumph- 
ant, our  national  honor  untarnished,  our  credit 
unassailed,  and  the  equal  devotion  of  every  sec- 
tion of  our  common  country  to  the  welfare  of 
the  Republic  cemented  forever. 

"Four  years  ago  the  Republican  party  at 
St.  Louis  named  a  ticket  which  commanded  the 
confidence  and  support  of  the  American  people. 
It  bore  the  names  of  two  eminent  Americans, 
each  endeared  by  years  of  loyal  service  to  his 
country  and  his  party.  No  whisper  of  personal 
attack  intruded  upon  the  national  issues  which 
determined  the  contest.  There  was  a  double 
safeguard  for  the  country's  welfare.  Every 
true  American  knew  that  if  in  the  dispensation 
of  Providence  our  leader  should  be  called  from 
his  high  place,  there  stood  beside  him  a  states- 
man devoted  and  staunch,  in  whose  hands  the 
vast  and  weighty  affairs  of  our  country  could 
be  well  and  safely  entrusted. 

'^  The  tariff  measure  under  which  we  are  now 
conducting  business  was  preceded  by  an  unusual 


t. 


104    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

volume  of  importations  based  upon  common 
knowledge  that  certain  duties  were  to  be  raised ; 
the  bill  met  the  popular  demand  that  duties  on 
many  of  tbe  necessaries  of  life  should  be  lowered 
and  not  raised  ;  advances  in  invention  and  new 
trade  conditions  made  it  unnecessary  and 
unwise  to  revert  to  the  higher  tariff  provisions 
of  the  law  of  1890;  the  increases  in  the  revenue 
provisions  were  slight.  Yet,  notwithanding  all 
these  facts,  tending  to  reduce  income,  the  reve- 
nues from  the  Dingley  bill  marched  steadily 
upwards,  until  soon  our  normal  income  exceeded 
our  normal  expenditure,  and  we  passed  from  a 
condition  of  threatened  insolvency  to  one  of 
National  solvency. 

"This  tells  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  story. 
Under  the  wise  provisions  of  our  tariff  laws  and 
the  encouragement  afforded  to  capital  by  a 
renewal  of  public  confidence,  trade  commenced 
to  revive.  The  looms  were  no  longer  silent  and 
the  mills  deserted  ;  railway  earnings  increased, 
merchants  and  banks  resumed  business,  labor 
found  employment  at  fair  wages,  our  exports 
increased,  and  the  sunshine  of  hope  again  illu- 
mined the  land.  The  figures  that  illustrate  the 
growing  prosperity  of  the  four  years  of  Repub- 
lican administration  well  nigh  stagger  belief 
There  isn't  an  idle  mill  in  the  country  to-day. 

"  The  mortgages  on  Western  farms  have  been 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900,     105 

paid  by  the  tens  of  thousands,  and  our  farmers 
are  contented  and  prosperous.  Our  exports 
have  reached  enormous  figures  ;  for  the  last 
twelve  months  our  exports  of  merchandise  will 
exceed  our  imports  by  fifty-five  millions  of  dol- 
lars. Our  manufactured  articles  are  finding  a 
market  all  over  the  world  and  in  constantly 
increasing  volume.  We  are  rapidly  taking  our 
place  as  one  of  the  great  creditor  nations  of  the 
world.  Above  and  beyond  all,  there  is  no  man 
who  labors  with  his  hands,  in  all  our  broad 
domain,  who  cannot  find  work,  and  the  scale  of 
wages  was  never  in  our  history  as  high  as  now." 

Trusts  and  Prosperity. 

"Whenever  a  Republican  administration  is 
in  power  there  is  constant  talk  of  trusts.  The 
reason  isn't  far  to  seek.  Aggregations  and  com- 
binations of  capital  find  their  only  encourage- 
ment in  prosperous  days  and  widening  com- 
merce. Democratic  administration  in  this  coun- 
try has  universally  meant  industrial  stagnation 
and  commercial  depression,  when  capital  seeks 
a  hiding  place  instead  of  investment.  The 
Republican  party  has  always  maintained  that 
any  combination  having  for  its  purpose  the  cor- 
nering of  a  market  or  the  raising  or  controlling 
of  the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life  was  unlaw- 
ful and  should  be  punished,  and  a  commission 


106     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

appointed  by  the  President  under  Act  of  Con- 
gress has  made  careful  investigation  and  will 
soon  present  a  full  report  of  the  best  method  of 
dealing  with  this  intricate  question.  We  shall 
meet  it  in  some  eflB.cient  way,  and,  as  a  party, 
shall  have  the  courage  to  protect  every  class  of 
our  citizens.  There  was  never  a  better  time  to 
deal  with  it  than  now,  when  there  isn't  in  this 
broad  land  a  man  willing  to  work  who  doesn't 
find  employment  at  fair  wages,  and  when  the 
clamor  of  the  agitator,  who  seeks  confiscation 
and  not  regulation,  falls  on  dead  ears  and  finds 
no  response  from  the  artisans  in  our  busy  work- 
shops." 

East  and  West  as  One. 

"  May  I,  a  Western  man,  add  another  word  ? 
The  passage  of  the  currency  bill,  which  received 
the  vote  of  every  Western  republican  in  Con- 
gress, marked  the  termination,  forever  final,  of 
any  sort  of  difference  between  Republicans  of 
the  East  and  West,  growing  out  of  currency 
problems.  Even  if  the  stern  logic  of  events  had 
not  convinced  us,  our  deep  and  abiding  loyalty 
to  the  principles  of  the  party,  our  belief  that 
the  judgment  of  its  majority  should  govern, 
would  lead  us  to  abandon  further  contention. 
And  the  thousands  of  Republicans  in  the  West, 
who  left  us  four  years  ago,  are  returning.  The 
men  of  the  Far  West  are  bone  of  your  bone,  and 


I 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      107 

flesh  of  your  flesh.  The  sun  that  shines  or. 
you  blesses  them  also,  and  the  shadow  before 
your  door  darkens  their  homes  as  well.  They 
are  naturally  expansionists  in  the  Western 
plains  and  mountains,  and  when  they  see  a 
great  political  party  attacking  the  integrity  of 
the  nation,  and  lending  encouragement  to  insur- 
rectionists who  are  shooting  down  our  soldiers 
and  resisting  the  authority  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  all  other  questions  fade 
and  are  forgotten,  and  they  find  themselves 
standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  ranks  of 
the  Republican  party,  keeping  step,  always,  "to 
the  music  of  the  Union." 

Relief  from  War  Tax. 

"There  is  more  to  follow  this  summary  of  a 
few  of  the  leading  measures  passed  by  a  Repub- 
lican Congress  and  approved  by  a  Republican 
President.  Before  the  expiration  of  Mr. 
McKinley's  first  term  we  shall  have  passed  a 
law  relieving  certain  articles  from  a  portion  at 
least  of  the  burdens  thc}^  now  carry  because  of 
the  War  Revenue  act,  and  meanwhile  we  have, 
out  of  surplus  revenues,  already  paid  and  called 
in  for  cancellation  $43,000,000  of  outstanding 
bonds.  The  coming  winter  will  see  enacted  into 
law,  legislation  which  shall  revivify  and  upbuild 
our  ocean  merchant  marine,   and  enable  us  to 


108    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

compete  on  fair  terms  witli  the  subsidized  sliips 
of  foreign  nations  wliicli  now  so  largely  monopo- 


CHAIRMAN    HANNA    OF    THE    NATIONAL    REPUBLICAN 
COMMITTEE  AND  HIS  MOST  ACTIVE  COLLEAGUES. 

lize  tlie  carriage  of  American  goods.  And  above 
all,  we  shall,  having  then  before  us  the  report 
of  the  able  commission  now  ascertaining  the 


COPYRIGHT,    1896,     BY     ROCKWOOD,     N.    Y. 

HON.     SETH     LOW 

PROMINENT    REPUBLICAN    AND    PRESIDENT   OF   COLUMBIA   COLLEGE,    NEW   YORK 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     109 

most  favorable  route,  pass  a  law  under  which 
we  shall  build  and  own  and  operate  as  property 
of  the  United  States,  under  exclusive  American 
dominion  and  control,  a  ship  canal  connecting 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific. 

"  Through  it  in  time  of  peace  the  commerce 
of  the  Avorld  shall  pass.  If  we  shall  be 
unhappih-  engaged  in  war,  the  canal  shall  carr}^ 
warships  and  shall  exclude  those  of  the  enemy, 
and  under  conditions  which  shall  violate  no 
treaty  stipulations. 

The  Spanish  War. 

'^  This  is  the  brief  account  of  our  stewardship 
for  four  years.  During  a  portion  of  that  period 
we  were  involved  in  a  war  that  for  a  time  para- 
lyzed business  and  commerce,  and  would  have 
taxed  heavily  the  resources  and  credit  of  any 
other  country  than  ours  ;  and  for  the  past  year 
or  more  we  have  been  employing  an  army  of 
some  50,000  men  in  suppressing  an  insurrection 
against  our  authorit}^  8,000  miles  away.  No 
industry  has  felt  the  strain  of  these  extraordi- 
nary expenses  nor  have  they  affected  the 
general  sum  of  our  prosperity.  More  than  that, 
the  conditions  resulting  from  the  legislation  of 
the  past  four  years  have  obliterated  ever}^  issue 
that  was  raised  during  the  last  campaign. 

**  During  the  weeks  and  months  preceding  the 


110    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

outbreak  of  hostilities  witli  Spain,  tlie  President 
of  the  United  States,  who  knew  by  personal 
experience  on  many  a  battlefield  something  of 
the  horrors  of  war,  and  who  realized  the  expense 
and  suffering  which  war  entailed,  stood  firmly 
upon  the  ground  that  a  peaceful  solution  could 
be  found.  And  when  that  awful  occurrence  took 
place  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  a  hot  frenzy 
of  indignation  swept  over  our  people,  and  a  con- 
flict seemed  inevitable,  he  faced  popular  clamor 
and  heated  counsels,  and  still  believed  that  the 
wrongs  of  Cuba  could  be  remedied  and  re- 
dressed without  an  appeal  to  the  arbitrament  of 
war. 

"The  folly  of  Spain  and  the  indignation  of 
the  American  people  forbade  a  peaceful  solution. 
Then  the  President,  seconded  by  a  Republican 
Congress,  before  a  gun  was  fired,  declared  to  the 
world  the  lofty  and  unselfish  motives  that  alone 
actuated  the  nation.  No  man  now,  or  in  the 
centuries  to  come,  when  history,  which  alone 
'  triumphs  over  time,'  recounts  the  marvelous 
story  of  the  war  which  changed  the  map  of  the 
world,  shall  ever  truthfully  say  that  this  Repub- 
lic was  animated  by  any  but  the  noblest  pur- 
poses. Recorded  time  tells  of  no  such  war,  for 
it  was  fought,  with  bloody  sacrifice,  by  a  great 
and  free  Republic,  for  the  freedom  of  another 
race,  while  its  own   liberties  were   unassailed." 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     1 11 

Can't  Judge  Them  by  Their  Clothes. 

It  was  interesting  to  note  the  cnrious  tastes 
and  fancies  of  the  delegates  to  the  Convention. 
No  description  of  the  great  gathering  would  be 
complete  without  mention  of  the  many  inci- 
dents that  threw  a  side  light  on  the  leaders  and 
some  of  the  less  conspicuous  members. 

''  Greatest  exhibition  ever  known.  Step  inside 
and  see  the  political  celebrities  ! "  This  is  the 
greeting  shouted  by  an  imaginary  doorkeeper 
at  the  Hotel  Walton.  Inside  the  lobby  is  a  sea 
of  men — young  men,  old  men,  Southerners  look- 
ing like  models  for  English  tailors,  and  North- 
erners garbed  in  the  typical  wide-brimmed  soft 
hat  and  loose  fitting  clothes  of  the  man  born  in 
Dixey.  It  is  impossible  to  tell  a  man's  home  by 
his  clothes  nowadays.  Every  man  wishes  to 
hide  his  identity.  Town-bred  politicians  imitate 
the  styles  of  the  countryman,  while  the  latter 
in  their  best  Sunday-go-to-meetin'  finery  try  to 
look  as  if  they  had  always  lived  in  a  big  city 
hotel  and  couldn't  tell  the  smell  of  hay  from 
the  odor  of  city  streets. 

Outside  the  Walton,  posing  for  his  picture  to 
a  half  dozen  snap-shot  artists,  is  Chauncey  M. 
Depew.  He  looks  his  part — a  well-groomed, 
well-dressed  millionaire.  His  gray  whiskers 
are  parted  evenly.  His  dark  blue  suit  is 
becoming  to  his  ruddy  complexion.   A  gold  stud 


Il2    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVRNTION,  1900. 

shines  like  a  star  in  tlie  middle  of  his  immacu- 
late  shirt  front,  while  his  little  bow  necktie  is 
blue,  white  and  black.  A  jaunty  straw  hat,  with 
a  black  band,  is  perched  on  his  head,  just  far 
enough  back  to  show  little  bangs. 

As  the  eye  turns  from  Dr.  Depew,  a  fine- 
looking,  well-built  man,  with  little  side-whiskers 
and  fuzzy  hair  comes  into  view,  his  eyes 
twinkling  with  humor.  This,  you  say,  this  is 
the  great  Marc  Antony  of  modern  times.  He 
is  not  fat  as  the  pictures  paint  him,  and  is 
rather  well  groomed,  but  a  trifle  carelessly 
dressed. 

A  little  further  on  is  Charles  Dick,  secretary 
of  the  National  Committee.  You  hear  the 
strains  of  "  Faust  "  in  your  brain,  and  expect 
to  see  a  blaze  of  red  fire,  so  much  does  Mr.  Dick 
resembles  Mephistophles.  A  fine  black  broad- 
cloth suit,  black  necktie,  spotless  linen  and  a 
silk  hat  form  his  irreproachable  but  rather  con- 
ventional outfit. 

Two  men  in  the  centre  of  a  group  of  reporters 
look  like  delegates  from  the  country,  but  are 
evidently  of  great  importance.  You  fight  and 
push  your  way  through  the  crowd,  and  make 
the  startling  discovery  that  they  are  the  Penn- 
sylvania Senator  noted  for  his  good  taste  in 
dressing,  and  Congressman  Adams.  Senator 
Penrose  wears  a  faded   suit  that  looks   as  if  it 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     113 

miglit  Have  been  in  the  war.  His  hat  is  tilted 
back  on  his  head  in  the  approved  rustic  fashion. 
Mr.  Adams'  get-up  is  totally  beyond  the  sphere 
of  description.  As  they  leave  the  group  of 
reporters  the}^  take  in  the  splendors  of  the  hotel 
with  the  placid  wonder  bred  of  long  days  in  iso- 
lated fields. 

Joe  Manley  is  the  Beau  Brummel  of  the  con- 
vention, always  neat  and  well  dressed.  He  is 
said  to  change  his  linen  several  times  a  da}^ 
Henry  C.  Payne  looks  like  a  professional 
farmer.  Dressed  in  blue  serge  and  a  wide  brim- 
med Panama  hat,  he  has  the  honor  of  being  the 
most  popular  man  of  them  all. 

Colonel  DuPont,  of  noisy  little  Delaware, 
wears  a  black  and  white  negligee  shirt,  with 
black  necktie,  and  a  suit  of  broadcloth.  On  his 
arm  he  usually  carries  a  light  serge  dust  cloak 
and  a  soft  hat  of  Panama  crowns  his  statel}^ 
head.  You  gaze  at  him  in  reverential  awe  when 
you  hear  he  represents  $140,000,000,  and  3^011 
are  just  a  little  surprised  to  find  he  is  only  a 
man  dressed  much  like  the  others. 

On  one  of  the  upper  floors  of  the  Walton  sits 
unpretentious  Governor  Roosevelt.  After  you 
succeed  in  reaching  the  room  you  look  all  about 
for  the  great  man,  and  3^ou  don't  see  him. 
"What!"  you  say,  "isn't  Mr.  Roosevelt  here?" 
"Yes,  he  is  here,"  says  the  colored  uorter,  with 
8 


114    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAt.  CON\'ENTION,  1900. 

pity,  for  any  one  who  doesn't  know  ^' Teddy" 
by  sight. 

''Over  there  now,  lie's  going  downstairs." 

Well  !  pictures  of  "Teddy"  in  his  beautiful, 
well-fitting  uniform,  leading  the  gallant  Rough 
Riders,  pictures  of  him  in  evening  dress,  flit 
through  your  brain  and  make  you  wonder  at 
the  strangeness  of  it  all. 

His  clothes  look  as  if  they  had  been  made  for 
someone  else  and  made  long  ago.  The  trousers 
are  great,  loose,  baggy  affairs,  that  look  as  if 
they  had  been  cut  with  a  circular  saw.  They 
are  the  kind  of  things  we  call  "pants."  His 
eoat  looks  as  if  he  had  slept  in  it.  A  black, 
stringy  necktie  is  tied  upside  down  around  an 
extremely  low  collar,  giving  him  an  appearance 
of  strange  awkwardness.  The  original  slouch 
hat  he  wore  to  Cuba  crowns  his  head. 

"Roosevelt!"  The  name  was  shouted  from 
lips  in  the  Convention  with  the  fervor  of  admi- 
ration. Thousands  and  thousands  of  voices 
took  it  up  and  rolled  it  upon  the  air  in  volumes 
of  mighty  sound.  For  five  minutes  the  man 
who  could  be  Vice-President  of  this  country  by 
simply  saying  "Yes,"  stood  at  the  railing 
behind  the  delegates'  section  acknowledging 
the  splendid  tribute.  Bowing  and  smiling,  the 
cavalryman  ran  the  gauntlet  of  the  delegation 
and  took  his  seat  with  his  New  York  conferees. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     115 

An  echo  of  the  cheer  that  had  been  Roose- 
velt's was  given  for  Senators  Chauncey  Depew 
and  Piatt,  who  accompanied  Colonel  Roosevelt 
down  the  aisle. 

And  then  the  fakirs  outside  the  gates  felt  the 
Roosevelt  boom.  With  baskets  of  a  puzzle 
built  on  the  idea  of  the  ''  Pigs  in  Clover"  game, 
the  peddlers  sold  hundreds  of  the  latest  edition, 
called  "Teddy's  New  Teeth."  A  grimacing 
countenance  of  the  Rough  Rider  was  stamped 
in  tin  and  the  game  was  to  put  five  little  white 
marbles  in  the  cavities  of  Teddy's  mouth.  With 
the  Roosevelt  button,  the  game  had  the  call  of 
the  crowd,  and  sold  like  roses  for  a  commence- 
ment. 

Among  the  distinguished  of&cial  gentlemen 
present  were  six  Governors  of  States  :  Governor 
Stone,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Governor  Roosevelt,  of 
New  York ;  Governor  Shaw,  of  Iowa ;  Governor 
Mount,  of  Indiana  ;  Governor  Nash,  of  Ohio, 
and  Governor  W.  S.  Taylor,  of  Kentucky,  who 
was  warmly  received. 

Among  the  former  Governors  were  Frank  S. 
Black,  of  New  York,  and  W.  O.  Bradley,  of 
Kentucky. 

The  ample  auditorium  of  the  Convention  was 
slowly  filled,  thousands  taking  the  precaution 
to  be  ahead  of  time,  and  onl}^,  as  they  were 
easilv    seated   for    hours     before     the  hall   was 


116    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

thoroughly  occupied,  was  the  immensity  of  the 
edifice,  so  admirably  arranged,  understood. 

The  enormous  hall,  glowing  with  color,  filled 
with  people,  under  a  light  that  revealed  ever}^ 
face  at  its  best,  surrounded  with  portraits  of  the 
worthies  cf  the  Republic  and  the  emblazoned 
shields  of  the  sovereign  States,  presented  a  mag- 
nificent spectacle  as  Senator  Hanna  arose  and 
invited  the  invocation  of  the  Divine  Blessing 
upon  the  Convention. 

The  Senator  was  greeted  with  great  applause 
when  he  directed  Representative  Charles  Dick 
to  read  the  official  call  to  the  Convention,  a  cere- 
mony which  was  effectively  performed. 

Chairman  Hanna' s  Speech. 

Senator  Hanna  was  heard  far  and  near  as  he 
presented  the  temporary  chairman,  Senator 
Wolcott,  of  Colorado.  The  remarks  of  the  Sen- 
ator were  full  of  pungent  sentences,  heard 
throughout  the  hall  and  emphasized  with  vehe- 
ment applause. 

Chairman  Hanna  has  never  been  known  as 
an  orator,  but  he  displayed  beyond  any  question 
the  fact  that  he  knows  how  to  use  the  English 
language  and  choose  his  words  well. 

''  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  In  bidding 
you  welcome  I  also  desire  to  extend  congratula- 
tions upon  this  magnificent  gathering  of  repre- 


EUGENE   HALE  OF   MAINE 
Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Naval  Aflairs 


HENRY    C.     PAYNE 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     1 17 

sentatives  of  the  great  Republican  party. 
(Applause.)  Tlie  National  Committee  made 
no  mistake  when  they  brought  the  National 
Convention  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
(Applause).  This  city,  the  cradle  of  liberty 
(applause),  the  birthplace  of  the  Republican 
party  (applause),  this  magnificent  industrial 
centre,  a  veritable  bee-hive  of  industry,  what 
fitter  object  lesson  could  be  presented  to  those 
of  us  who  have  gathered  here  to  witness  the 
success  of  that  principle  of  our  party  which  has 
been  its  foundation,  the  protection  of  American 
industries  !  (Applause).  This  city  that  has 
long  and  always  been  known  the  country  over 
for  its  unbounded  hospitality  (applause)  and 
the  superb  management  of  all  great  functions 
which  have  come  within  the  limits. 

"On  the  part  of  the  National  Committee,  I 
desire  to  extend  their  sincere  thanks  to  the 
people  of  Philadelphia,  and  especially  to  your 
honorable  Mayor  (applause),  and  the  loyal  citi- 
zens, without  regard  to  party,  who  have  labored 
with  him  to  make  this  Convention  a  success. 
Never  in  the  history  of  conventions  of  either 
political  party  has  a  success  been  greater. 

"Delegates,  I  greet  you  on  the  anniversary 
in  Philadelphia  of  the  birthday  of  our  party.- 
(Applause.)  I  need  not  remind  you  that  3-our 
duty  here  is  one   of  deliberate  judgment.      We 


118     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

are  called  together  once  more  upon  tlie  eve  of 
anoth  ^^:"^gTeat^struggle. 

"We  are  now  beginning  to  form  our  battalions 
under  the  leadership  of  our  great  statesman, 
General  William  McKinley  (continued  ap- 
plause). I  was  about  to  give  the  order  for  those 
battalions  to  move,  but  you  interrupted  me. 
(Laughter.)  It  needs  no  order  to  Republicans 
when  they  scent  from  afar  the  smoke  of  battle  ; 
it  needs  no  incentive  for  the  men  that  sit  in 
front  of  me  to  tell  them  what  their  duty  is. 
Upon  the  foundation  of  our  party  rests  the 
belief  and  strength  of  every  member  of  it. 

"Before  I  lay  aside  my  gavel  and  retire  from 
the  position  which  I  have  held  as  chairman  of 
the  National  Committee  for  four  years,  I  desire, 
in  this  presence,  in  the  most  public  manner,  to 
return  my  sincere  thanks  to  every  member  of 
this  splendid  committee  who  stood  by  me  in  the 
struggle  of  1896,  and  especially  to  that  coterie 
who  gathered  at  the  headquarters  in  New  York 
and  Chicago  and  worked  from  early  morning 
until  late  at  night  for  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party  and  for  the  welfare  of  their 
country.  I  leave  it  in  the  hands  of  others  to 
tell  you  what  that  meant,  but  in  passing  to 
others  these  duties,  I  want  to  make  one  sugges- 
tion, always  trust  the  people  (applause)  and 
leave  as  an  inheritance  to  them  the  motto  of  the 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      119 

Committee  of  1896:  'There  is  no  such  word  as 
fail.'     (Applause.) 

*' And  now,  gentleman,  it  becomes  my  duty 
and  very  great  pleasure  to  present  as  your  tem- 
porary chairman.  Senator  Wolcott  of  Colorado." 

There  was  nothing  to  suggest  that  he  was 
posing  for  laudation.  He  spoke  like  one 
interested  in  the  cause  that  he  is.  Every  word 
and  every  gesture  was  suggestive  of  firmness. 
Prosperity  and  AIcKinley  were  the  main  points 
of  his  speech  which  did  not  take  more  than  five 
minutes  to  deliver,  and  they  made  their 
impression  upon  the  delegates  and  spectators. 
Depew,  Thurston  or  any  of  a  hundred  others 
who  are  noted  for  their  power  as  platform 
speakers  could  not  have  done  better. 

The  mention  of  McKinley's  name  was  the 
signal  for  applause  that  lasted  almost  as  long  as 
Chairman  Hanna's  speech  itself 

Delegates  and  spectators  arose  in  their  seats 
and  cheered  themselves  hoarse.  Even  the  ladies 
seemed  to  become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
enthusiasm  and  fans  and  handkerchiefs  were 
waved  by  them  with  a  will. 

There  was  a  wonderful  light  in  the  house  as 
Senator  Wolcott  opened  his  splendid  speech. 
There  was  just  enough  sunshine  and  air  to 
brighten  the  pavement  of  faces.  The  delegates 
and  alternates   facing  the  platform  were  framed 


120    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

with  multitudes  of  faces,  tliat  shone  as  with 
inner  light.  In  the  galleries  and  beyond  the 
platform  occupied  by  the  officers  were  the  guests, 
an  imposing  assemblage. 

The  front  row  near  the  chairs  was  occupied 
by  venerable  men  who  come  down  to  us  from  a 
former  generation.  As  Daniel  Webster  said  to 
the  survivors  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  half 
a  century  after  the  battle  : — ''  Heaven  had 
bounteously  lengthened  out  their  lives  to  wit- 
ness the  auspicious  day." 

The  venerable  men,  the  guests  of  honor  of 
the  Convention,  were  of  those  who  in  the  early 
days  were  foremost  workers  in  laying  the 
foundations  of  the  Republican  party,  begin- 
ning  with  the  liberty  party  half  a  century 
before. 

Mr.  Hanna  in  calling  together  the  Con- 
vention, expressed  the  thanks  of  the  National 
Committee  to  the  Mayor  and  citizens  of  Phila- 
delphia for  their  efforts  to  make  this  Convention 
a  success,  adding  that  "  never  in  the  history  of 
Conventions  of  either  political  party  has  a 
success  been  greater." 

This  referred,  of  course,  to  the  preliminary 
preparations.  The  success  of  the  Convention, 
as  such,  was  to  be  determined  by  its  results. 
But  all  that  could  be  done  in  advance  to  make 
the   gathering  successful    and    to    promote  the 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     V21 

convenient  dispatch  of  business,  was  done  most 
effectively  and  the  general  opinion  of  the  dele- 
gates sustained  the  chairman's  praise. 

The  success  of  the  Convention  hall  was  espe- 
cially gratifying.  It  was  the  largest  and  best 
that  any  Convention  ever  enjoyed.  The  hall 
was  the  most  important  of  the  essential  prepa- 
rations for  the  Convention.  The  city  was  big 
enough  to  hold  the  delegates  and  other  visitors 
without  much  disturbance  of  its  ordinary  life, 
and  though  the  crowd  at  some  of  the  hotels  was 
too  great  for  comfort,  there  appeared  to  be  no 
lack  of  accommodation  and  no  suggestion  of  a 
struggle. 

The  handling  of  the  crowd  at  the  hall  was 
very  successful,  and  indeed  a  Philadelphia 
crowd  generally  knows  how  to  conduct  itself  so 
well,  as  to  require  little  direction.  The  visitors 
agreed  with  Mr.  Hanna  that  in  deciding  to  hold 
the  Convention  in  Philadelphia  the  committee 
made  no  mistake. 


122    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

SECOND  DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  crowd  in  the  Convention  Hall  was  as 
much  larger  than  it  was  on  the  opening  day  as 
the  limitations  of  the  big  building  would  allow. 
There  was  not  even  standing  room  anywhere 
within  sight  of  the  platform.  Many  who  could 
not  get  chairs  sat  in  the  aisles,  not,  however, 
without  serious  conflicts  with  several  of  the 
young  men  who  wore  ushers'  badges. 

There  w^ere  more  women  present  than  on  the 
opening  day,  and  their  bright  summer  costumes 
added  to  the  lavish  display  of  color  that  makes 
the  brilliant  assemblage  a  better  subject  for  the 
artist's  brush  than  for  the  hundreds  of  cameras 
that  were  brought  to  bear  on  it.  Everybody 
arrived  early ;  consequently,  when  12  o'clock 
came  the  amphitheatre  for  delegates  was  a  half 
empty  pit  in  the  centre  of  a  great  concourse  of 
expectant  people.  Souvenir  seekers  had  taken 
away  the  numberless  fans  that  were  scattered 
over  the  hall  when  the  Convention  opened,  as 
they  had  taken  away  a  number  of  other  small 
things.  The  flower  vases  around  the  bank  of 
palms  at  the  foot  of  the  platform  had  been 
replenished.  Some  thoughtful  person  had  sent 
a  bouquet  of  fresh  flowers  to  the  Chairman's 
table.  There  was  no  appearance  of  untidiness 
anywhere.  It  was  all  very  fresh,  very  neat  and 
very  pretty. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     123 

Arrival  of  the  Big  Guns. 

It  was  12  o'clock  before  the  big  guns  of  the 
convention  began  to  put  in  an  appearance. 
Hanna,  Depew,  the  Mayor,  Wolcott,  Bliss, 
Allison  and  members  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee were  on  time,  and  received  a  repetition  of 
the  cordial  greetings  of  the  day  before.  New 
faces  noticed  were  Senator  Chandler,  who  sat 
close  to  Senator  Hanna ;  Governor  Voorhees,  of 
New  Jersey,  who  was  a  delegate-at-large,  and 
was  bronzed  with  the  sea  winds  after  a  quick 
return  from  Europe;  ex-Postmaster  General 
Gary,  who  had  with  him  Wu  Ting-Fang, 
Chinese  Minister  at  Washington,  and  his  Sec- 
retary of  Legation,  Mr.  Chung.  These  two 
Celestials,  robed  in  rich  silks,  were  warmly 
welcomed  by  a  large  number  of  public  men,  and 
were  closely  questioned  by  interviewers. 

"I  am  here  simply  as  an  observer,"  was  the 
reply  of  the  Minister.  "I  want  to  see  how  the 
American  people  nominate  their  candidates  for 
the  Presidency." 

Ex- Governor  Taylor,  of  Kentucky,  got 
another  round  of  applause  as  he  walked  to 
his  seat  with  his  delegation.  A  number  of 
women  from  the  visitors'  seats  were  permitted 
to  go  to  the  delegates'  quarters  and  have  a 
brief  chat  with  Mrs.  Jones,  of  Salt  Lake  City. 
Many  of  these  were  woman  suffragists,  busily 


124    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

engaged   in    distributing    circulars    advocating 
their  cause. 

Governor  Roosevelt's  appearance  shortly 
after  1 2  was  the  signal  for  a  spontaneous  tumult 
of  welcome.  The  centre  aisle  became  choked 
with  delegates,  who  wanted  to  shake  hands  with 
him,  and  he  had  some  difficulty  in  forcing  his 
way  to  his  seat.  He  could  not  ignore  the  drift  of 
popular  sentiment  in  his  direction,  and,  taking 
off  his  sombrero,  he  bowed  in  recognition  of  it. 

Welcome  to  Party  Veterans. 

It  was  12.30  when  everybody  arose  for  "The 
Star  Spangled  Banner."  The  Chinese  Minister 
looked  very  solemn  when  the  Rev.  Charles  M. 
Bos  well  prayed  that  "all  wars  might  soon 
cease."  Then  came  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing incidents  of  the  convention,  a  spectacle 
that  brought  tears  to  the  eyes  of  men,  who  love 
their  party,  and  which  the  majority  of  the 
persons  who  witnessed  it  will  probably  never 
forget. 

A  file  of  white  haired  patriachs  mounted  the 
platform,  bearing  a  tattered  "  Old  Glory,"  that 
could  hardly  be  held  together  by  a  cross  staffi 
It  was  the  same  flag  used  at  the  Pittsburg 
Republican  Convention  in  1856,  and  these  vet- 
erans were  men  who  cheered  it  then.  Fifteen 
of  them,  drawn  up  side  by  side,  listened  with 


SENATOR     A.     J.     BEVERIDGE 


WIIvIvIAM   P.   FRYE 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     125 

bowed  heads  to  the  uproarious  welcome  of  the 
multitude.  Beside  the  old  flag  was  a  blue  silk 
banner  with  the  words,  '''  National  Fremont 
Association,  Republican  party,  organized  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1856,  at  Pittsburg,  Pa." 

While  these  venerable  men  stood  there,  Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt  was  as  wildl}^  enthusiastic  as  a 
schoolbo}^  He  jumped  on  his  chair,  and  led  off 
in  the  cheering.  It  was  a  long  time  before  the 
clerk  could  read  a  resolution  regretting  the 
inabilit}^  of  many  of  the  members  of  the  National 
Fremont  Association  to  be  present,  on  account 
of  old  age,  and  saying  that  having  been  good 
Republicans  for  forty-four  years,  they  intended 
to  continue  so  to  the  end.  Senator  Hawley,  of 
Connecticut,  was  among  the  veterans  in  that 
line,  but  he  was  not  called  upon  for  a  speech. 
As  the  delegation  retired,  the  band  struck  up 
''My  Country,  'Tis  of  Thee." 

Senator  Lodge  Elected  Chairman. 

This  incident  over,  the  remainder  of  the 
routine  business  of  the  Convention  was  put 
through  with  a  whirl.  General  Grosvenor,  of 
Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization,  presented  his  report,  which  was 
also  put  through  without  opposition.  Governors 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  and  Shaw,  of  Iowa, 
were  appointed    a  committee  to  conduct  Senator 


126    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  190a 

Henr}^  Cabot  Lodge,   of  Massacliusetts,  to  ttie 
cliair. 

Tlie  Senator's  reference  in  his  speech  to 
Hawaii  and  the  presence  of  representatives  of 
that  new  acquisition  brought  the  delegates  to 
their  feet  in  a  lusty  greeting  to  the  Hawaiians. 
When  he  referred  to  the  "  infamy "  in  Ken- 
tucky, the  delegates  from  that  State  yelled  their 
approval,  and  other  States  added  a  sympathetic 
demonstration.  Reference  to  the  policy  of  the 
Government  toward  Cuba  and  the  Philippines 
brought  out  frequent  manifestations  of  approval. 

Eloquent  Speech  of    Senator  Lodge. 

The  permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention 
received  a  cordial  welcome  as  he  stepped  to  the 
front  of  the  platform  and  addressed  the  great 
throng  that  crowded  every  part  of  the  hall,  as 
follows : 

''  One  of  the  greatest  honors  that  can  fall  to 
any  American  in  public  life  is  to  be  called  to 
preside  over  a  Republican  National  Convention. 
How  great  that  honor  is  you  know,  but  you 
cannot  realize,  nor  can  I  express  the  gratitude 
which  I  feel  to  you  for  having  conferred  it  upon 
me.  I  can  only  say  to  you,  in  the  simplest 
phrase,  that  I  thank  you  from  the  bottom  of 
my  heart.  '  Beggar  that  I  am,  I  am  even  poor 
in  thanks,  and  yet  I  thank  you.' 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     127 

*^  We  meet  again  to  nominate  the  next  Presi- 
dent of  tlie  United  States.  Four  years  have 
passed  since  we  nominated  the  soldier  and 
statesman  who  is  now  President,  and  who  is 
soon  to  enter  upon  his  second  term.  Since  the 
Civil  War  no  Presidential  term  has  been  so 
crowded  with  great  events  as  that  which  is  now 
drawing  to  a  close.  They  have  been  four  mem- 
orable years.  To  Republicans  they  show  a 
record  of  promises  kept,  of  work  done,  of  unfore- 
seen questions  met  and  answered.  To  the 
Democrats  they  have  supplied  material  for 
wise  reflection. 

Industrial  Revolution. 

"In  1897  w^  took  the  government  and  the 
country  from  the  hands  of  President  Cleveland. 
His  party  had  abandoned  him,  and  were  joined 
to  their  idols,  of  which  he  was  not  one.  During 
the  last  years  of  his  term  we  had  presented  to 
us  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  a  President  try- 
ing to  govern  without  a  party.  The  result  was 
that  his  policies  were  in  ruin,  legislation  was  at 
a  standstill,  and  public  affairs  were  in  a  perilous 
and  incoherent  condition.  Part}^  responsibility 
had  vanished,  and  with  it  all  possibilitv  of  intel- 
ligent action,  demanded  by  the  country  at  home 
and  abroad.  It  was  an  interesting  but  by  no 
means  singular  display  of  Democratic  unfitness 


128    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

for  the  practical  work  of  government.  To  the 
political  student  it  was  instructive,  to  the  coun- 
try it  was  extremely  painful,  to  business  dis- 
astrous. 

Promises  Have  Been  Kept. 

"We  replaced  this  political  chaos  with  a 
President  in  thorough  accord  with  his  party, 
and  the  machinery  of  government  began  again 
to  move  smoothly  and  effectively.  Thus  we 
kept  at  once  our  promise  of  better  and  more 
ef&cient  administration.  In  four  months  after 
the  inauguration  of  President  McKinley  we  had 
passed  a  tariff  bill.  For  ten  years  the  artificial 
agititation,  in  behalf  of  what  was  humorously 
called  tariff  reform  and  of  what  was  really  free 
trade,  had  kept  business  in  a  ferment,  and  had 
brought  a  treasury  deficit,  paralyzed  industries  ; 
depression,  panic  and  finally  continuous  bad 
times  to  a  degree  never  before  imagined. 

"  Would  you  know  the  result  of  our  tariff 
legislation  ?  look  about  you  !  Would  you  mea- 
sure its  success  ?  recollect  that  it  is  no  longer  an 
issue  ;  that  our  opponents,  free  traders  as  they 
are,  do  not  dare  to  make  it  an  issue  ;  that  there 
is  not  a  State  in  the  Union  to-day  which  could 
be  carried  for  free  trade  against  protection. 
Never  was  a  policy  more  fully  justified  by  its 
work  ;  never  was  a  promise  made  by  any  party 
more  absolutely  fulfilled. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     129 

Country  Placed  on  Sound  Financial  Basis. 

''Dominant  among  the  issues  of  four  years 
ago  was  that  of  our  monetary  and  financial 
system.  The  Republican  party  promised  to 
uphold  our  credit,  to  protect  our  currency  from 
revolution  and  to  maintain  the  gold  standard. 
We  have  done  so.  We  have  done  more.  We 
have  been  better  than  our  promise.  Failing  to 
secure,  after  honest  effort,  any  encouragement 
for  international  bimetallism,  we  have  passed  a 
law  strengthening  the  gold  standard  and  plant- 
ing it  more  firmly  than  ever  in  our  financial 
system,  improving  our  banking  laws,  buttressing 
our  credit  and  refunding  the  public  debt  at  2 
per  cent,  interest,  the  lowest  rate  in  the  world. 
It  was  a  great  work  well  done. 

"The  only  argument  the  Democrats  can 
advance  to-day  in  their  own  behalf  on  the  money 
question  is  that  a  Republican  Senate,  in  the 
event  of  Democratic  success,  would  not  permit 
the  repeal  of  a  Republican  law.  This  is  a  pre- 
cious argument  when  looked  at  with  considerate 
eyes,  and  quite  worthy  of  the  intellects  which 
produced  it.  Apply  it  generally.  Upon  this 
theory,  because  we  have  defeated  the  soldiers  of 
Spain  and  sunk  her  ships,  we  can  with  safety 
dispense  with  the  army  and  the  navy  which  did 
the  work. 

"Take  another  example.     There  has  been  a 


130    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

fire  in  a  great  city  ;  it  lias  been  cliecked  and  ex- 
tinguished ;  therefore,  let  ns  abolish  the  fire 
department  and  cease  to  insure  our  homes.  Dis- 
trust in  our  currency,  the  dread  of  change,  the 
deadly  fear  of  a  debased  standard  were  rag- 
ing four  years  ago,  and  business  lay  prostrate 
before  them.  Republican  supremacy  and 
Republican  legislation  have  extinguished  the 
fires  of  doubt  and  fear,  and  business  has  risen 
triumphant  from  the  ashes. 

^'Therefore,  abolish  your  fire  department, 
turn  out  the  Republicans  and  put  in  power  the 
incendiaries  who  lighted  the  flames,  and  trust  to 
what  remains  of  Republican  control  to  avert 
fresh  disaster.  The  proposition  is  its  own  refu- 
tation. The  supremacy  of  the  party  that  has 
saved  the  standard  of  sound  money  and  guarded 
it  by  law  is  as  necessary  for  its  security  and  for 
the  existence  of  honest  wages  and  of  business 
confidence  now  as  it  was  in  1896.  The  moment 
the  Republican  party  passes  from  power  and 
the  party  of  free  silver  and  fiat  paper  comes  in, 
stable  currency  and  the  gold  standard,  the 
standard  of  the  civilized  world,  are  in  imminent 
and  deadly  peril.  Sound  currency  and  a  steady 
standard  of  value  are  to-day  safe  only  in  Repub- 
lican hands. 

''  But  there  were  still  other  questions  in 
1896.     We  had    already  thwarted  the  efforts  of 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     1 3  1 

the  Cleveland  Administration  to  tlirow  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  back  to  their  dethroned 
Qneen  and  to  give  England  a  foothold  for  her 
cables  in  the  gronp,  We  then  said  that  we 
would  settle  finall}^  the  Hawaiian  question.  We 
have  done  so.  The  traditional  American  polic}^ 
has  been  carried  out.  The  flag  of  the  Union 
floats  to-da}^  over  the  cross-roads  of  the    Pacific. 

Unforeseen  Issues  Demand  New  Policies. 

"  We  promised  to  deal  with  the  Cuban 
question.  Again  comes  the  reply.  We  have 
done  so.  The  long  agou}^  of  the  island  is  over. 
Cuba  is  free.  But  this  great  work  brought  w4th 
it  events  and  issues  which  no  man  had  foreseen, 
for  which  no  part}^  creed  had  provided  a  policy. 
The  crisis  came,  bringing  war  in  its  train. 
The  Republican  President  and  the  Republican 
Congress  met  the  new  trial  in  the  old  spirit. 
We  fought  the  war  with  Spain.  The  result  is 
history  known  of  all  men.  We  have  the  per- 
spective now  of  only  a  short  two  years,  and  yet 
how  clear  and  bright  the  great  facts  stand  out, 
like  mountain  peaks  against  the  sky,  while  the 
gathering  darkness  of  a  just  oblivion  is  creep- 
ing over  the  low  grounds  where  lie  forgotten 
the  trivial  and  unimportant  things,  the  criti- 
cisms and  the  fault  findings,  which  seemed  so 
huge  when  we  still  lingered  among  them. 


1S2    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

"Here  they  are,  these  great  facts  :  A  war  of 
a  hundred  days,  with  many  victories  and  no 
defeats,  with  no  prisoners  taken  from  ns  and  no 
advance  stayed,  with  a  triumphant  outcome, 
startling  in  its  completeness  and  in  its  world- 
wide meaning.  Was  ever  a  war  more  justly 
entered  upon,  more  quickly  fought,  more  fully 
won,  more  thorough  in  its  results  ?  Cuba  is 
free.  Spain  has  been  driven  from  the  Western 
Hemisphere.  Fresh  glory  has  come  to  our 
arms  and  crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the  work  of 
the  American  people,  but  the  Republican  party 
was  their  instrument.  Have  we  not  the  right 
to  say  that  here,  too,  even  as  in  the  days  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  we  have  fought  a  good  fight, 
we  have  kept  the   faith,  we  have  finished  the 

work? 

The  Islands  Will  be  Kept. 

''War,  however,  is  ever  like  the  sword  of  Alex- 
ander. It  cuts  the  knots.  It  is  a  great  solvent, 
and  brings  many  results  not  to  be  foreseen. 
The  world  forces,  unchained  in  war,  performs 
in  hours  the  work  of  years  of  quiet.  Spain 
sued  for  peace.  How  was  that  peace  to  be 
made  ?  The  answer  to  this  great  question  had 
to  be  given  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  We  were  victorious  in  Cuba,  in  Porto 
Rico,  in  the  Philippines. 

"  Should  we  give  those  islands  back  to  Spain. 


JOSEPH     H.     MANLEY 


J.     p.     DOIvLIVER 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      133 

Never  !  was  the  President's  reply.  Would  any 
American  wish  that  he  had  answered  otherwise? 
Should  we  hand  them  over  to  some  other  power  ? 
Never  !  was  again  the  answer.  Would  our  pride 
and  self  respect  as  a  nation  have  submitted  to 
any  other  reply  ?  Should  we  turn  the  islands, 
where  we  had  destroyedall  existing  sovereignty, 
loose  upon  the  world  to  be  a  prey  to  domestic 
anarchy  and  the  helpless  spoil  of  some  other 
nation  ?  Again  the  inevitable  negative.  Again 
the  President  answered  as  the  nation  he  repre- 
sented would  have  had  him  answer. 

Cry  of  Imperialism. 

''  He  boldly  took  the  islands,  took  them 
knowing  well  the  burden  and  responsibility, 
took  them  from  a  deep  sense  of  duty  to  ourselves 
and  others,  guided  by  a  just  foresight  as  to  our 
future  in  the  East  and  with  an  entire  faith  in 
the  ability  of  the  American  people  to  grapple 
with  the  new  task.  When  future  conventions 
point  to  the  deeds  by  which  the  Republican 
party  has  made  history  they  will  proclaim  with 
especial  pride  that  under  a  Republican  Admin- 
istration the  war  of  1898  was  fought,  and  that 
the  peace  with  Spain  was  the  work  of  William 
McKinley. 

"The  new  problems  brought  by  the  war  we 
face  with  confidence  in  ourselves,  and  a  still 


134     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

deeper  confidence  in  the  American  people,  who 
will  deal  jnstly  and  rightly  with  the  islands 
which  have  come  into  their  charge.  The  out- 
cry against  our  new  possessions  is  as  empty  as 
the  cant  about  'militarism,'  and  'imperialism' 
is  devoid  of  sense  and  meaning.  Regard  for  a 
moment  those  who  are  loudest  in  shrieking  that 
the  American  people  are  about  to  enter  upon  a 
career  of  oppression,  and  that  the  Republic  is 
in  danger.  Have  they  been  in  the  past  the 
guardians  of  freedom  ? 

''  No,  the  party  of  Lincoln  may  best  be  trusted 
now,  as  in  the  past,  to  be  true,  even  as  he  was 
true,  to  the  rights  of  man  and  to  human  free- 
dom, whether  within  the  borders  of  the  United 
States  or  in  the  islands  which  have  come  beneath 
our  flag.  The  liberators  may  be  trusted  to 
watch  over  the  liberated.  We  who  freed  Cuba  will 
keep  the  pledge  we  made  to  her,  and  will  guide 
her  along  the  road  to  independence  and  stable 
government  until  she  is  ready  to  settle  her  own 
future  by  the  free  expression  of  her  people's 
will.  We  will  be  faithful  to  the  trust  imposed 
upon  us,  and  if  among  those  to  whom  this  great 
work  is  confided  in  Cuba  or  elsewhere  wrong- 
doers shall  be  found,  men  not  only  bad  in  morals 
but  dead  to  their  duty  as  Americans  and  false 
to  the  honor  of  our  name,  we  will  punish  these 
basest  of  criminals  to  the  extent  of  the  law. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     135 

Situation  in  the  Islands. 

^^  For  the  islands  of  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico 
tlie  political  problem  has  been  solved,  and  by 
Republican  legislation  they  have  been  given 
self  government,  and  are  peaceful  and  pros- 
perous under  the  rule  of  the   United  States. 

"  In  the  Philippines  we  were  met  by  rebel- 
lion fomented  by  a  self  seeking  adventurer 
and  usurper.  The  duty  of  the  President 
was  to  repress  that  rebellion,  to  see  to  it 
that  the  authority  of  the  United  States  as 
rightfully  and  as  righteous  in  Manila  as  in 
Philadelphia,  was  acknowledged  and  obeyed. 
That  harsh  and  painful  duty  President 
McKinley  has  performed  firmly  and  justly, 
eager  to  resort  to  gentle  measures  wherever 
possible,  unyielding  when  treachery  and 
violence  made  force  necessary.  Unlike  the 
opponents  of  expansion,  we  do  not  regard  the 
soldiers  of  Otis,  Lawton  and  Mac  Arthur  as  'an 
enemy's  camp.'  In  our  eyes  they  are  soldiers 
of  the  United  States,  they  are  our  arm}^,  and 
we  believe  in  them  and  will  sustain  them. 

Trade  Expansion  in  the  Orient. 

"  We  believe  in  trade   expansion.     By   ever}/ 
legitimate    means    within    the   province   of  the 
government  and  legislation  we  mean  to  stimu 
late  the  expansion  of  our  trade  and  to  open  new 


136    RKPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

markets.  Greatest  of  all  markets  is  China. 
Our  trade  there  is  growing  by  leaps  and  bounds. 
Manila  the  prize  of  war,  gives  us  inestimable 
advantages  in  developing  that  trade.  It  is  the 
corner-stone  of  our  Eastern  policy,  and  the 
brilliant  diplomacy  of  John  Hay  in  securing 
from  all  nations  a  guarantee  of  our  treaty 
rights  and  of  the  open  door  in  China  rests  upon 
it.  We  ask  the  American  people  whether  they 
will  throw  away  these  new  markets  and  widen- 
ing opportunities  for  trade  and  commerce  by 
putting  in  power  the  Democratic  party,  who 
seek,  under  cover  of  a  newly  discovered  affection 
for  the  rights  of  man,  to  give  up  these  islands 
of  the  East  and  make  Dewey's  victory  fruitless? 
''The  choice  lies  between  this  Democratic 
policy  of  retreat  and  the  Republican  policy, 
which  would  hold  the  islands,  give  them  free- 
dom and  prosperity,  and  enlarge  those  great 
opportunities  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 
The  Democratic  attitude  toward  the  Philippines 
rests  wholly  upon  the  proposition  that  the 
American  people  have  neither  the  capacity  nor 
the  honesty  to  deal  rightly  with  these  islands. 
They  assume  that  we  shall  fail.  We  have  no 
distrust  of  the  honor,  the  humanity,  the  capa- 
city of  the  American  people.  To  feel  or  do 
otherwise  is  to  doubt  ourselves,  our  government 
and  our  civilization.     We  take  the  issue  with 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900      137 

Democrats  who  would  cast  off  the  Philippines, 
and  we  declare  that  the  American  people  can  be 
trusted  to  deal  wisely  and  generously  with  these 
distant  islands,  and  will  lift  them  up  to  a  higher 
prosperity,  a  broader  freedom  and  a  nobler  civi- 
lization than  they  have  ever  known.  We  have 
not  failed  elsewhere.     We  shall  not  fail  here. 

Prosperity  Under  Republican  Rule. 

^'  We  do  not  say  that  we  have  panaceas  for 
every  human  ill.  We  do  not  claim  that  any 
policy  we,  or  any  one  else,  can  offer  will  drive 
from  the  world  sorrow  and  suffering  and  poverty, 
but  we  say  that  so  far  as  government  and  legis- 
lation can  secure  the  prosperity  and  well  being 
of  the  American  people  our  Administration  and 
our  politics  will  do  it.  We  point  to  the  adver- 
sity of  the  Cleveland  years  lying  dark  behind 
us.  It  has  been  replaced  by  the  prosperity  of 
the  McKinley  years.  Let  them  make  whatever 
explanation  they  will,  the  facts  are  with  us. 

"It  is  on  these  facts  that  we  shall  ask  for  the 
support  of  the  American  people.  What  we  have 
done  is  known,  and  about  what  we  intend  to  do 
there  is  neither  secrecy  nor  deception.  What 
we  promise  we  will  perform.  Our  old  policies 
are  here,  alive,  successful  and  full  of  vigor.  Our 
new  policies  have  been  begun,  and  for  them  we 
ask  support.     When  the  clouds    of  impending 


138     w  GPUBLICaN  national  convention,  1900. 

civil  war  hung  dark  over  the  country  in  1861  we 
took  up  the  great  task  then  laid  upon  us,  and 
never  flinched  antil  we  had  carried  it  through 
to  victory.  Now,  at  the  dawn  of  a  new  century, 
with  new  policies  and  new  opportunities  open- 
ing before  us  in  the  bright  sunshine  of  prosper- 
ity, we  again  ask  the  American  people  to  entrust 
us  with  their  future.  We  have  profound  faith 
in  the  people.  We  do  not  distrust  their  capac- 
ity of  meeting  the  new  responsibilities,  even  as 
they  met  the  old,  and  we  shall  await  with  the 
confidence,  under  the  leadership  of  William 
McKinley,  the  verdict  of  November." 

When  Senator  Lodge  concluded  his  address 
the  applause  that  had  been  frequent  throughout 
its  delivery  was  renewed,  and  he  received  many 
congratulations  for  his  able  defence  of  Repub- 
lican principles  and  legislation. 

THE   PLATFORM. 

The  convention  then  listened  to  the  plat- 
form,    which     was     unanimously  adopted : 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States 
through  their  chosen  representatives  met  in 
National  Convention,  looking  back  upon  an 
unsurpassed  record  of  achievement,  and  looking 
forward  into  a  great  field  of  duty  and  oppor- 
tunity, and  appealing  to  the  ju'lgment  of  their 
countrymen,  make  these  declarations  : 

The    expectation     in    which    the    American 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      139 

people,  turning  from  the  Democratic  party, 
entrusted  power  four  3^ears  ago  to  a  Republican 
Chief  Magistrate  and  a  Republican  Congress, 
has  been  met  and  satisfied.  When  the  people 
then  assembled  at  the  polls,  after  a  term  of 
Democratic  legislation  and  administration, 
business  was  dead,  industry  paralyzed  and  the 
national  credit  disastrously  impaired. 

The  country's  capital  was  hidden  awa}^  and 
its  labor  distressed  and  unemployed.  The 
Democrats  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to 
improve  the  ruinous  conditions  which  they  had 
themselves  produced  than  to  coin  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  i6  to  i.  The  Republican  party,  de- 
nouncing this  plan  as  sure  to  produce  conditions 
even  worse  than  those  from  which  relief  was 
sought,  promised  to  restore  prosperity  by  means 
of  two  legislative  measures — a  protective  tariff 
and  a  law  making  gold  the  standard  of  value. 
The  people  by  great  majorities  issued  to  the 
Republican  party  a  commission  to  enact  these 
laws.  This  commission  has  been  executed,  and 
the  Republican  promise  is  redeemed.  Pros- 
perity more  general  and  more  abundant  than 
we  have  ever  known  has  followed  these  enact- 
ments. There  is  no  longer  controversy  as  to 
the  status  of  any  government  obligations. 

Every  American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar  or  its 
assured  equivalent,  and  American  credit  stands 


I-IO    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

higher  than  that  of  any  nation.  Capital  is 
fully  employed  and  labor  everywhere  is  profit- 
ably occupied.  No  single  factor  more  strik- 
ingly tells  the  story  of  what  Republican  Gov- 
ernment means  to  the  country  than  this — that 
while  during  the  whole  period  of  107  years, 
from  1790  to  1897,  there  was  an  excess  of 
exports  over  imports  of  only  $383,028,497,  there 
has  been  in  the  short  three  years  of  the  Repub- 
lican Administration  an  excess  of  exports  over 
imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,483,537,094. 

The  Administration  Endorsed. 

And  while  the  American  people,  sustained  by 
this  Republican  legislation,  have  been  achieving 
these  splendid  triumphs  in  their  business  and 
commerce,  they  have  conducted  and  in  victory 
concluded  a  war  for  liberty  and  human  rights. 
No  thought  of  national  aggrandizement  tar- 
nished the  high  purpose  with  which  American 
standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  un- 
sought and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came 
the  American  Government  was  ready.  Its 
fleets  were  cleared  for  action.  Its  armies  were 
in  the  field  and  the  quick  and  signal  triumph 
of  its  forces  on  land  and  sea  bore  equal  tribute 
to  the  courage  of  American  soldiers  and  sailors 
and  to  the  skill  and  foresight  of  Republican 
statesmanship.     To  ten  millions  of  the  human 


CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  OF  MINNESOTA 
CSbainuan  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Affaira 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     Hi 

race  there  was  given  "a  new  birtli  of  freedom," 
and  to  tlie  American  people  a  new  and  noble 
responsibility. 

We  endorse  the  administration  of  William 
McKinley.  Its  acts  have  been  established  in 
wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and 
abroad  it  has  distinctl}^  elevated  and  extended 
the  inilnence  of  the  American  nation.  Walk- 
ing nntried  paths  and  facing  nnforseen  respon- 
sibilities, President  McKinle}^  has  been  in  every 
situation  the  true  American  patriot  and  the 
upright  statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in 
judgment,  firm  in  action,  always  inspiring  and 
deserving  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen. 

In  asking  the  American  people  to  endorse 
this  Republican  record  and  to  renew  their  com- 
mission to  the  Republican  party,  we  remind 
them  of  the  fact  that  the  menace  to  their  pros- 
perity has  always  resided  in  Democratic  prin- 
ciples and  no  less  in  the  general  incapacity  of 
the  Democratic  party  to  conduct  public  affairs. 
The  prime  essential  of  business  prosperit}-  is 
public  confidence  in  the  good  sense  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  in  its  ability  to  deal  intelligently 
with  each  new  problem  of  administration  and 
legislation.  That  confidence  the  Democratic 
party  has  never  earned.  It  is  hopelessl}^  inade- 
quate and  the  country's  prosperity,  when  Dem- 
ocratic success  at  the  polls  is   announced,  halts 


142    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

and  ceases   in  mere  anticipation  of  Democratic 
blunders  and  failures. 

For  the  Gold  Standard. 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  tlie  principle  of 
the  gold  standard  and  declare  our  confidence  in 
tlie  wisdom  of  the  legislation  of  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress  by  which  the  parity  of  all  our  money 
and  the  stability  of  our  currency  upon  a  gold 
basis  has  been  secured.  We  recognize  that 
interest  rates  are  a  potent  factor  in  production 
and  business  activity,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
further  equalizing  and  of  further  lowering  the 
rates  of  interest,  we  favor  such  monetary  legis- 
lation as  will  enable  the  varying  needs  of  the 
season  and  of  all  sections  to  be  promptly  met  in 
order  that  trade  may  be  evenly  sustained,  labor 
steadily  employed  and  commerce  enlarged.  The 
volume  of  money  in  circulation  was  never  so 
great  per  capita  as  it  is  to-day. 

We  declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  No  meas- 
ure to  that  end  could  be  considered  which  was 
without  the  support  of  the  leading  commercial 
countries  of  the  world.  However  firmly  Repub- 
lican legislation  may  seem  to  have  secured  the 
country  against  the  peril  of  base  and  discredited 
currency,  the  election  of  a  Democratic  President 
could  not  fail  to  impair  the  country's  credit  and 


REPUBTJCAX  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     143 

to  bribg  once  more  into  question  the  intention 
of  the  American  people  to  maintain  npon  the 
gold  standard  the  parit}^  of  their  money  circn- 
lation.  The  Democratic  party  mnst  be  con- 
vinced that  the  American  people  will  never  tol- 
erate the  Chicago  platform. 

Should  Restrain  Trusts. 
We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of 
the  honest  operation  of  capital  to  meet  new 
business  conditions  and  especially  to  extend  our 
rapidl}^  increasing  foreign  trade,  but  we  con- 
demn all  conspiracies  and  combinations  intended 
to  restrict  business,  to  create  monopolies,  to 
limit  production,  or  to  control  prices,  and  favor 
legislation  as  will  effectively  restrain  and  pre- 
vent all  such  abuses,  protect  and  promote  com- 
petition ahd  secure  the  rights  of  producers, 
laborers  and  all  who  are  engaged  in  industry  and 
all  who  are  engaged  in  industry  and  commerce. 

Renewed  Faith  in  Protection. 

We  renew  our  faith  in  the  policy  of  protection 
to  American  labor.  In  that  policy  our  indus- 
tries have  been  established,  diversified  and 
maintained.  By  protecting  the  home  market 
competition  has  been  stimulated  and  production 
cheapened.  Opportunity  for  the  inventive  genius 
of  our  people  has  been  secured,  and  wages  in 
ever}^  department  of  labor  maintained  at  high 


144    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

rates,  liigher  now  than  ever  before,  and  alwa3^s 
distinguishing  our  working  people  in  their 
better  condition  of  life  from  those  of  any  com- 
peting country. 

Reciprocity. 
Enjoying  the  blessings  of  the  American  com- 
mon school,  secure  in  the  right  of  self-govern- 
ment and  protected  in  the  occupancy  of  their 
own  markets,  their  constantly  increasing  know- 
ledge and  skill  have  enabled  them  finally  to 
enter  the  markets  of  the  world.  We  favor  the 
associated  policy  of  reciprocity ;  so  directed  a? 
to  open  our  markets  on  favorable  terms  for  what 
we  do  not  ourselves  produce  in  return  for  free 
foreign  markets. 

Restricted  Immigration. 

In  the  further  interest  of  American  workmen 
we  favor  a  more  effective  restriction  of  the  im- 
migration of  cheap  labor  from  foreign  lands, 
the  extension  of  opportunities  of  education  for 
working  children,  the  raising  of  the  age  limit 
for  child  labor,  the  protection  of  free  labor  as 
against  contract  convict  labor  and  an  effective 
system  of  labor  insurance. 

For  a  iVTerchant  Marine. 
Our   present  dependence  upon  foreign  ship- 
ping for  nine-tenths  of  our  foreign  carrying  is  a 


-i^ 


i 


MATTHEW    vS.    QUAY 


SHELBY   M.    CULLUM 


REPtFBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     145 

great  loss  to  the  industry  of  this  countr}^  It  is 
also  a  serious  danger  to  our  trade,  for  its  sud- 
den withdrawal,  in  the  event  of  European  war, 
would  seriously  cripple  our  expanding  foreign 
commerce.  The  national  defence  and  naval 
efficiency  of  this  country,  moreover,  supply  a 
compelling  reason  for  legislation  which  will 
enable  us  to  recover  our  former  place  among 
the  trade  carrying  fleets  of  the  world. 

Liberality  to  the  Veteran. 

The  nation  owes  a  debt  of  profound  gratitude 
to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  who  have  fought  its 
battles,  and  it  is  the  Government's  duty  to  pro- 
vide for  the  survivors  and  for  the  widows  and 
orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the  coun- 
try's wars.  The  pension  laws,  founded  in  this 
just  sentiment,  should  be  liberal,  and  should  be 
liberally  administered,  and  preference  should  be 
given,  wherever  practicable,  with  respect  to 
employment  in  the  public  service,  to  soldiers 
and  sailors  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

Civil  Service  Commended. 
We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican 
party  in  maintaining  the  efficiency  of  the  civil 
service  rules.  The  Administration  has  acted 
wisely  in  its  effi^rt  to  secure  for  public  service  in 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the  Philippine 
Islands  only  those  whose  fitness  has  been  deter- 

10 


146    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

mined  by  training  and  experience.  We  believe 
that  employment  in  tbe  public  service  in  those 
Territories  should  be  confined,  as  far  as  practi- 
cable, to  their  inhabitants. 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  prevent  dis- 
crimination on  account  of  race  or  color  in 
regulating  the  elective  franchise.  Devices  of 
State  Governments,  whether  by  statutory  or 
constitutional  enactments,  to  avoid  the  purpose 
of  this  amendment,  are  revolutionary,  and 
should  be  condemned. 

Good  Roads  and  Rural  Delivery. 

Public  movements  looking  to  a  permanent 
improvement  of  the  roads  and  highways  of  the 
country  meet  with  our  cordial  approval,  and  we 
recommend  this  subject  to  the  earnest  consider- 
atien  of  the  people  and  of  the  Legislatures  of 
the  several  States. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  deliv- 
ery service,  wherever  the  extension  may  be 
justified. 

Reclamation  of  Arid  Lands. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy 
of  the  Republican  party  to  provide  free  homes 
on  the  public  domain,  we  recommend  adequate 
national  legislation  to  reclaim  the  arid  lands  of 
the  United  States,  reserving  control  of  the  dis- 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENl  ION.  1900.     W 

tribution  of  water  for  irrigation  to  tlie  respective 
States  and  Territories. 

Statehood  for  Territories. 
We  favor  liome  rule  for  and  the  early  admis' 
sion    to  Statehood  of  the    Territories  of    New 
Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma. 

Reduction  of  War  Taxes. 

The  Dingley  act,  amended  to  provide  suffi- 
cient revenue  for  the  conduct  of  the  war,  has  so 
well  performed  its  work  that  it  has  been  possi- 
ble to  reduce  the  war  debt  in  the  sum  gf 
$40,000,000.  So  ample  are  the  Government's 
revenues,  and  so  great  is  the  public  confidence 
in  the  integrity  of  its  obligations,  that  its  newly 
funded  2  per  cent,  bonds  sell  at  a  premium. 
The  country  is  now  justified  in  expecting,  and 
it  will  be  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to 
bring  about,  a  reduction  of  the  war  taxes. 

Isthmian  Canal. 

We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  control 
and  protection  of  an  isthmian  canal  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States.  New  markets 
are  necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our 
farm  products.  Every  effort  should  be  made  to 
open  new  markets,  especially  in  the  Orient,  and 
the  Administration  is  warmly  to  be  commended 
for  its  successful  effort  to  commit  all  trading 
and  colonizing  nations  to  the  policy  of  the  open 


M8    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

door  in  CHina.  In  the  interest  of  our  expanding 
commerce,  we  recommend  that  Congress  create 
a  Department  of  Commerce  and  Industries,  in 
the  charge  of  a  Secretary,  with  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet.  The  United  States  Consular  system 
should  be  reorganized  under  the  supervision  of 
this  new  Department  upon  such  a  basis  of 
appointment  and  tenure  as  will  render  it  still 
more  serviceable  to  the  nation's  increasing 
trade. 

Must  Protect  our  Citizens. 
The  American  Government  must  protect  the 
person  and  property  of  every  citizen  wherever 
they  are  wrongfully  violated  or  placed  in  peril 

Woman's  Work  Appreciated. 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon 
their  splendid  record  of  public  service  in  the 
Volunteer  Aid  Association,  and  as  nurses  in 
camp  and  hospital,  during  the  recent  campaigns 
of  our  armies  in  the  Eastern  and  Western 
Indies,  and  we  appreciate  their  faithful  co-ope- 
ration in  all  works  of  education  and  industry 

Foreign  Policy  Approved. 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign 
affairs  of  the  United  States  with  distinguished 
credit  to  the  American  people.  In  releasing  us 
from  the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European 


XE 


jKjxdfi^kiiyb 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     149 

alliance  for  the  government  of  Samoa  his  course 
is  especially  to  be  commended.  By  securing  to 
our  undivided  control  the  most  important  island 
of  the  Samoan  group  and  the  best  harbor  in  the 
Southern  Pacific  every  American  interest  has 
been  safeguarded. 

The  African  War. 

We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  Govern 
ment  in  the  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague- 
We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence  to  the  policy 
announced  in  the  Monroe  doctrine.  The  pro- 
visions of  The  Hague  Convention  were  wisely 
regarded  when  President  McKinley  tendered 
his  friendly  of&ces  in  the  interest  of  peace 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  South  African 
Republic.  While  the  American  Government 
must  continue  the  policy  prescribed  by  Wash- 
ington, affirmed  by  every  succeeding  President 
and  imposed  upon  us  by  The  Hague  treaty  of 
non-intervention  in  European  controversies,  the 
American  people  earnestly  hope  that  a  way 
may  soon  be  found,  honorable  alike  to  both 
contending  parties,  to  terminate  the  strife 
between  them. 

Our  Duty  to  the  Philippines. 

In  accepting  by  the  treaty  of  Paris  the  just 
responsibility  of  our  victories   in  the  Spanish 


150    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

war  tlie  President  and  tlie  Senate  won  the 
undoubted  approval  of  tHe  American  people. 
No  other  course  was  possible  than  to  destroy 
Spain's  sovereignty  throughout  the  Western 
Indies  and  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  That 
course  created  our  responsibility  before  the 
world  and  with  the  unorganized  population 
whom  our  intervention  had  freed  from  Spain, 
to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order, 
and  for  the  establishment  of  good  government, 
and  for  the  performance  of  international  obliga- 
tions. Our  authority  could  not  be  less  than 
our  responsibility,  and  wherever  sovereign  rights 
were  extended,  it  became  the  high  duty  of  the 
Government  to  maintain  its  authority,  to  put 
down  armed  insurrection,  and  to  confer  the 
blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  upon  all  the 
rescued  people. 

The  largest  measure  of  self  government  con- 
sistent with  their  welfare  and  our  duties  shall 
be  secured  to  them  by  law.  To  Cuban  inde- 
pendence and  self  government  were  assured  in 
the  same  voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and 
to  the  letter  this  pledge  shall  be  performed. 

The  Republican  party,  upon  its  history  and 
upon  this  declaration  of  its  principles  and 
policies,  confidently  invokes  the  considerate 
and  approving  judgment  of  the  American 
people. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.    151 

Quay  Wants  to  Amend  the  Rules. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  platform,  ex-Senator 
Quay  offered  an  amendment  to  the  report  of  the 
Rules  Committee  to  base  the  representation  in 
the  next  National  Convention  on  the  Presi- 
dential vote  this  year,  one  delegate  to  be  elected 
for  each  10,000  votes,  and  a  majority  of  10,000 
votes,  four  delegates-at-large  from  each  State, 
six  from  each  Territory  and  two  from  Alaska, 
Hawaii  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  The 
ex-Senator  sent  to  the  Secretary  a  table  showing 
the  changes  this  amendment  would  effect, 
taking  the  vote  of  the  last  Presidential  election 
as  a  basis. 

The  clerk  read  the  table  as  far  as  Louisiana, 
when  ex-Senator  Quay  interrupted  him,  and 
proceeded  to  speak,  when  he  was  forced  by  the 
clamor  of  the  delegates  and  spectators  to  take 
the  platform.  He  stood  there  a  minute  or  more 
unable  to  go  on  owing  to  the  cheers  which 
greeted  him.  He  waived  his  hand  to  stop  them 
and  finally  appealed  to  the  chairman  to  use  his 
gavel.  When  quiet  was  restored,  he  said  he 
would  ask  that  the  rules  be  adopted  except  that 
portion  affected  by  his  amendment,  and  that  this 
be  taken  up  the  first  thing  on  the  morning  of 
the  next  day,  and  in  the  meantime  the  delegates 
would  be  better  prepared   to  vote  on  the  matter. 

Unanimous  consent  was  asked,  but  there  were 


152     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

several  objections  from  Southern  delegates,  who 
wante(l  the  Quay  amendment  killed  immedi- 
ately. 

Delegate  McCall,  of  Tennessee,  announced 
that  he  wanted  to  be  heard  on  this  question,  "so 
vital  to  Southern  Republicans." 

Delegate  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  presented  a 
substitute,  which  was  ruled  out  on  a  point  of 
order. 

Congressman  Mudd,  of  Maryland,  moved  that 
the  rest  of  the  rules  be  adopted,  and  those  ex- 
Senator  Quay  proposed  to  amend  be  postponed 
until  the  following  day.  This  was  agreed  to 
unanimously. 

THIRD  DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

This  was  the  great  day,  and  long  before  lo 
o'clock,  the  hour  set  for  the  reassembling  of  the 
convention,  the  hall  was  surrounded  by  an  im- 
mense army  of  people,  who  besieged  all  the 
doors  and  entrances,  clamoring  for  admission. 
When  the  doors  were  opened  they  surged  like 
a  flood  submerging  the  vast  hall. 

The  stage  had  been  freshened  with  green 
things,  and  at  each  corner,  like  a  touch  of  flam- 
ing color,  red  peonies  shot  into  the  air.  The 
band  in  the  north  gallery  was  at  work  early  with 
inspiring  music.  It  was  much  warmer  than  on 
preceeding  days.  The  sun  blazed  down  through 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     153 

the  space  in  the  roof  and  the  heat  gave  promise 
of  being  oppressive. 

But  the  ladies  were  attired  in  their  thinnest 
muslins,  everybody  was  provided  with  a  fan, 
and  there  was  no  complaint.  One  old  fellow  in 
the  gallery,  with  charming  disregard  of  the 
proprieties,  divested  himself  of  coat  and  vest, 
hung  them  over  the  rail,  and  took  his  seat. 

Three  minutes  before  lo  o'clock  the  Kansas 
delegation,  headed  by  Colonel  Barton,  with 
bright  silk  sunflowers  pinned  to  their  lapels, 
aroused  the  first  enthusiasm  as  they  marched 
down  the  main  aisle  bearing  a  white  banner 
inscribed  in  big  black  letters  with  the  words 
"  Kansas  is  for  Roosevelt." 

As  the  delegates  debouched  into  the  pit  the 
utmost  good  nature  was  manifested.  The  contest 
was  over.  It  was  to  be  a  love  feast,  a  jubilee, 
and  not  a  contest,  which  the  day  was  to  witness. 
Governor  Roosevelt  entered  at  exactly  lo 
o'clock.  He  made  a  rush  for  his  seat,  but  he 
did  not  escape  the  keen  eye  of  the  thousands^ 
and  they  set  up  a  cheer  at  sight  of  him. 

One  of  the  questions  that  agitated  the  Con- 
vention from  the  start  was,  who  should  be  the 
candidate  for  Vice  President.  There  was  a 
strong,  unanimous  feeling  in  favor  of  Governor 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  but  he  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed  his    wish    to    have    some    other   man 


154    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

selected,  as  lie  wished  to  be  the  nominee  for 
Governor  of  the  Empire  State,  and  believed  that 
in  this  capacity  he  could  best  serve  the  interests 
of  the  party  at  large. 

It  was  reported  that  the  Administration  at 
Washington  had  preferences  for  certain  men. 
This  again  was  contradicted,  and  there  were  so 
many  conflicting  reports  that  on  the  evening  of 
the  second  day  of  the  convention  Senator  Hanna, 
Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Commit- 
tee, issued  the  following  statement : 

"The  Administration  has  had  no  candidate 
for  Vice-President.  It  has  not  been  for  or 
against  any  candidate.  It  has  deemed  that  the 
Convention  should  make  the  candidate,  and 
that  has  been  my  position  throughout.  It  has 
been  a  free  field  for  all.  In  these  circumstances 
several  eminent  Republicans  have  been  pro- 
posed ;  all  of  them  distinguished  men,  with 
many  friends.  I  will  now  say  that  on  behalf  of 
all  of  those  candidates,  and  I  except  none,  I 
have  within  the  last  twelve  hours  been  asked  to 
give  my  advice.  After  consulting  with  as  many 
delegates  as  possible  in  the  time  within  my 
disposal,  I  have  concluded  to  accept  the  respon- 
sibility involved  in  this  request.  In  the  present 
situation,  with  the  strong  and  earnest  sentiment 
of  the  delegates  from  all  parts  of  the  country 
for   Governor   Roosevelt,   and   since    President 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      155 

McKinley  is  to  be  nominated  without  a  dissent- 
ing voice,  it  is  my  judgment  that  Governor 
Roosevelt  should  be  nominated  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent with  the  same  unanimity." 

This  announcement  of  Senator  Hanna  was 
made  after  a  long  consultation  with  many 
leaders  of  the  party.  He  called  the  newspaper 
men  into  one  of  the  rooms  where  the  consulta- 
tions had  taken  place  and  read  from  manuscript. 

The  effect  of  this  statement  was  to  cause 
instant  and  unanimous  agreement  among  the 
delegates  for  Roosevelt. 

Synopsis  of  the  Third  Day's  Events. 

This  was  the  day  of  all  days — a  day  of  great 
expectations,  of  unbounded  satisfaction  ;  a  day 
when  an  unprecedented  thing  was  to  befall  the 
Republican  party,  in  the  nomination  by  accla- 
mation of  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and 
Vice  Presidency. 

But,  first  of  all,  and  above  all,  it  was  a  day  of 
harmony.  There  were  to  be  no  heart-breakings, 
no  unmaking  of  political  reputations,  no  relega- 
tions to  back  seats  to  lead  to  future  sulkings  in 
the  great  Republican  camp.  An  able,  trusted, 
and  tried  leader  was  to  be  re-honored,  a  forceful 
and  popular  idol  was  to  be  signally  compli- 
mented. 

Threatened    complications    had    been    made 


156    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

impossible  by  a  mutual  exhibit  of  good  sense 
and  forbearance.  The  Convention  atmosphere 
was  clear,  clean,  and  tingling  with  enthusiasm 
and  hope. 

It  was  upon  this  basis  of  fortuitous  circum- 
stances and  amid  these  happy  surroundings, 
impregnated  with  omens  of  success,  that  the 
Convention  entered  at  10.36  upon  its  last  day's 
work. 

The  immense  hall  was  packed  with  a  fan- 
waving  mass  of  humanity  that  early  gave 
evidences  of  an  inclination  to  place  the  stamp 
of  its  approval  upon  everything  that  the  nine 
hundred  delegates  might  do. 

Attired  in  scarlet  robes,  himself  a  represen- 
tative of  one  of  the  most  powerful  organizations 
on  earth,  Archbishop  Patrick  J.  Ryan,  of  this 
city,  invoked  a  blessing  upon  the  day,  the  Con- 
vention, and  its  labors. 

One  of  the  first  evidences  of  a  complete  resto- 
ration of  harmony,  if  indeed  it  could  be  said 
that  there  had  been  any  marked  dissensions  by 
the  withdrawal  on  the  part  of  Senator  Quay,  of 
Pennsylvania,  of  his  amendment  to  those  sec- 
tions of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules, 
which  proposed  to  make  the  basis  of  represen- 
tation at  party  conventions  in  the  future,  the 
number  of  votes  cast  for  national  candidates  as 
opposed  to  its  resting  upon  population. 


I 


'^S^M\- 


(•        A 


MASONIC    TEMPLE 

BROAD   AND    FILBERT   STREETS,    PHILADELPHIA 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     157 

This  withdrawal  had  been  generally  pre- 
dicted, and  occasioned  no  great  surprise,  and 
but  a  moderate  demonstration  of  approval. 

Foraker  Names  McKinley. 

Then  the  event  long  waited  for  and  eagerly 
anticipated  came  to  pass.  Chairman  Lodge 
announced  that  nominations  for  a  candidate  for 
President  were  in  order. 

The  mere  announcement  occasioned  an  out- 
break of  applause. 

Following  a  long  honored  custom.  Senator 
Lodge  proceeded  to  call  the  States  in  alphabeti- 
cal order. 

*' Alabama,"  called  the  presiding  of&cer,  of 
Massachusetts,  But  Alabama  announced  that 
she  gave  way  to  Ohio. 

"The  chair  recognizes  Senator  Foraker,  of 
Ohio,"  shouted  Senator  Lodge. 

Without  delay  the  distinguished  son  of  the 
Buckeye  State,  McKinley' s  own,  stepped  from 
his  place  in  the  Ohio  delegation  to  the  platform 
to  the  accompaniment  of  cheers  and  hand- 
clappings.  Senator  Foraker  has  a  fine  pres- 
ence, but  not  a  specially  magnetic  one.  On 
reaching  the  platform  he  was  given  a  fine  greet- 
ing. He  spoke  for  twenty-three  minutes,  clos- 
ing at  twelve  minutes  past  ii  o'clock. 

The   speaker's    closing   words,    "I    place    in 


158    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

nomination  William  McKinley,  the  President 
of  these  United  States,"  was  a  prelude  to  a 
thunderous  storm  of  acclamations,  which  con- 
tinued for  upward  of  twelve  minutes,  and  it  was 
fully  fifteen  minutes  before  the  applause  had  so 
far  subsided  as  to  permit  Governor  Roosevelt  to 
take  the  platform  and  second  the  nomination. 
Every  noise  that  the  human  voice  is  capable  of 
producing  entered  into  the  uproar — cheers, 
shrill  and  guttral  and  deep;  delirious  ejacula- 
tions, born  of  excitement  and  nervousness,  and 
that  could  never  be  made  under  ordinary  pres- 
sure. 

Great  Enthusiasm. 

The  outburst  of  enthusiasm  was  tremendous. 
It  was  led  by  Hanna  himself,  who  advanced  to 
the  front  of  the  platform,  raised  his  hand,  and 
led  on  the  multitude.  Taking  a  pampas  plume, 
which  had  been  brought  to  the  stage  by  one  of 
the  delegations,  he  waved  it  about  and  the 
cheering  continued. 

The  delegates  all  rushed  toward  the  stage 
with  the  States'  standards  and  crowded  around 
Chairman  Hanna.  Myriads  of  pampas  plumes 
were  intermingled. 

The  scene  was  the  most  impressive  that  has 
ever  been  seen  in  Philadelphia,  and  it  equalled, 
if  not  surpassed,  any  other  demonstration  that 
has  been  enacted  on  a  similar  occasion  during 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     159 

previous  national  conventions.  A  band  played 
lustily  all  the  time,  but  it  could  Hardly  be  beard 
above  tbe  racket.  The  thousands  of  delegates 
were  simply  wild.  Next  they  sang,  "Halle- 
lujah, We  Go  Marching  Along."  The  outburst 
lasted  continuously  for  twelve  minutes,  and 
subsided  only  to  break  out  afresh. 

The  delegates  marched  through  the  aisles 
with  their  State  standards  aloft  and  singing  to 
the  accompaniment  of  the  band  in  the  gallery. 

When  the  only  Vice  Presidential  candidate, 
erect  and  burly  of  form  and  spectacled,  rose 
briskly  from  his  seat,  it  was  the  signal  for  more 
applause,  which  culminated  in  a  magnificent 
ovation  as,  straight  as  an  arrow,  with  head 
thrown  back  and  shoulders  squared  as  if  on 
dress  parade,  the  hero  of  San  Juan  faced  the 
delegates  and  spectators  to  reinforce  the  argu- 
ments made  by  Foraker  why  William  McKinley 
should  be  renominated. 

Roosevelt's  Great  Speech. 

Having  finally  secured  the  attention  of  the 
Convention  after  many  deprecating  waves  of  his 
right  hand.  New  York's  chief  executive  pro- 
ceeded to  demonstrate  that  the  Republican 
party  had  made  no  mistake  in  uniting  upon 
him  for  second  place  on  the  ticket.  The  rough 
rider's    seconding     speech    was    a     masterful 


160    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

exhibition  of  mental,  grammatical,  and  physical 
virility.  Roosevelt  struck  out  straight  from 
the  shoulder,  landing  many  blows  calcu- 
lated to  jar  the  Democratic  party.  He  went  tc 
the  very  core  of  the  great  questions  of  the  day 
with  a  directness  that  delighted  his  hearers  . 

Senator  Foraker's  Nominating  Speech. 

Amid  a  tumult  of  applause.  Senator  Foraker 
went  to  the  platform,  and  when  quiet  was 
restored  spoke  as  follows  : 

"Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention :  Alabama  yields  to  Ohio,  and  I  thank 
Alabama  for  that  accommodation.  Alabama 
has  so  yielded,  however,  by  reason  of  a  fact  that 
would  seem  in  an  important  sense  to  make  the 
duty  that  has  been  assigned  to  me  a  superfluous 
duty,  for  Alabama  has  yielded  because  of  the 
fact  that  our  candidate  for  the  Presidency  has, 
in  fact,  been  already  nominated.  (Applause.) 
He  was  nominated  by  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  Colorado  when  he  assumed  the  duties  of 
Temporary  Chairman. 

"He  was  nominated  again  yesterday  by  the 
distinguished  Senator  from  Massachussetts 
when  he  took  the  office  of  Permanent  Chairman  ; 
and  he  was  nominated  for  a  third  time  when  the 
Senator  from  Indiana  yesterday  read  us  the 
platform,  (applause).      And  not    only    has   he 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     161 

been  thus  nominated  by  this  Convention,  but  lie 
has  also  been  nominated  by  the  whole  American 
people,  (applause).  From  one  end  of  this  land 
to  the  other  in  every  mind  only  one  and  the  same 
man  is  thought  of  for  the  honor  which  we  are 
now  about  to  confer,  and  that  man  is  the  first 
choice  of  every  other  man  who  wishes  repub- 
lican success  next  November,  (applause.) 

''  On  this  account  it  is  that  it  is  not  necessary 
for  me  or  any  one  else  to  speak  for  him  here  or 
elsewhere.  He  has  already  spoken  for  himself 
(applause),  and  to  all  the  world.  He  has  a 
record  replete  with  brilliant  achievments  (ap- 
plause), a  record  that  speaks  at  once  both  his 
performances  and  his  highest  eulogy.  It  com- 
prises both  peace  and  war,  and  constitutes  the 
most  striking  illustration  possible  of  triumphant 
:and  inspiriting  fidelity  and  success  in  the  dis- 
vcharge  of  public  duty. 

Wheels  of  Labor  Whirl. 

'^^Four  years  ago  the  American  people  con- 
fided to  hiui  their  highest  and  most  sacred  trust. 
Behold  with  what  results  !  He  found  the  in- 
dustries of  this  country  paralyzed  and  prostrated, 
he  quickened  them  with  a  new  life  that  has 
brought  to  the  American  people  a  prosperity 
unprecedented  in  all    their  history.     He  found 

the  labor  of  this  country  everywhere   idle  ;  he 
11 


162    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

has  given  it  everywhere  employment.  He  found 
it  everywhere  in  despair,  he  has  made  it  every- 
where prosperous  and  buoyant  with  hope.  He 
found  the  mills  and  shops  and  factories  and 
mines  everywhere  closed  ;  they  are  now  every- 
where open,   (applause). 

''And  while  we  here  deliberate,  they  are  send- 
ing their  surplus  products  in  commercial  con- 
quest to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth.  Under  his 
wise  guidance  our  financial  standard  has  been 
firmly  planted  high  and  beyond  assault,  and  the 
wild  cry  of  sixteen  to  one,  so  full  of  terror  and 
long  hair  in  1896,  has  been  put  to  everlasting 
sleep  alongside  of  the  lost  cause,  and  other 
cherished  Democratic  heresies,  in  the  catacombs 
of  American  politics,  (applause).  With  a 
diplomacy  never  excelled  and  rarely  equalled, 
he  has  overcome  what  at  times  seemed  to  be  in- 
surmountable difficulties,  and  has  not  only 
opened  to  us  the  door  of  China,  but  he  has  ad- 
vanced our  interests  in  every  land. 

''Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  not  surprised  by  this 
for  we  anticipated  it  all.  When  we  nominated 
him  at  St.  Louis  four  years  ago  we  knew  he  was 
wise,  we  knew  he  was  brave,  we  knew  he  was 
patient,  we  knew  he  could  be  faithful  and  de- 
voted, and  we  knew  that  the  greatest  possible 
triumphs  of  peace  would  be  his  ;  but  we  then 
little  knew  that  he  would  be  called  upon  to  en- 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     163 

counter  also  tlie  trials  of  war.  THat  unusual 
emergency  came.  It  came  unexpectedly — as 
wars  generally  come.  It  came  in  spite  of  all 
be  could  li(3norably  do  to  avert  it.  It  came  to 
find  tlie  country  unprepared  for  it,  but  it  found 
him  equal  to  all  its  extraordinar}^  requirements, 
(applause). 

And  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  all 
American  history  there  is  no  chapter  more 
brilliant  than  that  which  chronicles,  with  him 
as  our  Commander-in-Chief,  our  victory  on  land 
and  sea  (applause.)  In  one  hundred  days 
we  drove  Spain  from  the  Western  Hemisphere, 
girded  the  earth  without  acquisition  and  filled 
the  world  with  the  splendor  of  our  power  (ap- 
plause.) The  American  name  has  a  new  and 
greater  significance  now.  Our  flag  has  a  new 
glory.  It  not  only  symbolizes  human  liberty 
and  political  equality  at  home,  but  it  means 
freedom  and  independence  for  the  long  suffer- 
ing patriots  of  Cuba,  and  complete  protection, 
education,  enlightenment,  uplifting,  and  ulti- 
mate local  self  government  and  the  enjo3anent 
of  all  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  millions  of 
Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines. 

''  What  we  have  so  gloriously  done  for  our- 
selves we  propose  most  generousl}^  to  do  for 
them  (applause.)  We  have  so  declared  in 
the  platform  that  we  have  adopted.      A  fitting 


164     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

place  it  is  for  this  party  to  make  sucli  declara- 
tion. Here  in  this  magnificent  city  of  Philadel- 
phia, where  the  evidences  so  abound  of  the  rich 
blessings  the  Republican  party  has  brought  to 
the  American  people. 

"  Here,  at  the  birthplace  of  the  nation,  where 
our  own  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
adopted,  and  our  Constitution  was  formed;  where 
Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Hancock  and 
John  Adams  and  their  ilkistrious  associates  wrote 
their  immortal  work;  here,  where  centre  so  many 
historic  memories  that  stir  the  blood  and  flush 
the  cheek  and  excite  the  sentiments  of  human 
liberty  and  patriotism  is  indeed  a  most  fitting 
place  for  the  party  of  Lincoln,  and  Grant,  and 
Garfield,  and  Blaine.   (Applause.) 

"  The  party  of  Union  and  Liberty  for  all  men 
to  formally  dedicate  themselves  to  this  great 
duty.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  its  discharge. 
We  could  not  turn  back  if  we  would,  and  would 
not  if  we  could.  (Applause.)  We  are  on  trial 
before  the  world,  and  must  triumphantly  meet 
our  responsibilities,  or  ignominiously  fail  in  the 
presence  of  mankind.  These  responsiblilies 
speak  to  this  convention  here  and  now,  and  com- 
mand us  that  we  choose  to  be  our  candidate  and 
the  next  President — which  is  one  and  the  same 
thing— the  best  fitted  man  for  the  discharge  of 
this  great  duty  in  all  the  Republic.     (Applause). 


PENNSYLVANIA     RAILROAD     STATION 

BROAD   AND   MARKET   STREETS,    PHILADELPHIA 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.      165 

"  On  that  point  there  is  no  difference  of  opin- 
ion. No  man  in  all  the  nation  is  so  well  quali- 
fied for  this  trust  as  the  great  leader  under  whom 
the  work  has  been  so  far  conducted.  He  has 
the  head,  he  has  the  heart,  he  has  the  special 
knowledge  and  the  special  experience  that  qual- 
ify him  beyond  all  others.  And,  Mr.  Chairman, 
he  has  also  the  stainless  reputation  and  character 
and  has  led  the  blameless  life  that  endear  him 
to  his  countrymen,  and  give  to  him  the  confi- 
dence, the  respect,  the  admiration,  the  love,  and 
the  affection  of  the  whole  American  people. 
(Applause).  He  is  an  ideal  man,  representing 
the  highest  type  of  American  citizenship  ;  an 
ideal  candidate,  and  an  ideal  President.  With 
our  banner  in  his  hands,  it  will  be  carried  to 
triumphant  victory  in  November  next.  (Ap- 
plause). 

^'  In  the  name  of  all  these  considerations,  not 
alone  on  behalf  of  his  beloved  State  of  Ohio, 
but  on  behalf  of  every  other  State  and  Territory 
here  represented,  and  in  the  name  of  all  Repub- 
licans everywhere  throughout  our  jurisdiction, 
I  nominate  to  be  our  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency— William  McKinley." 

Senator  Foraker  spoke  with  a  vigor,  eloquence 
and  magnetism  characteristic  of  the  man.  His 
review  of  the  achievements  of  the  McKinley 
Administration  was  brilliant  and  epigrammatic, 


166     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

When  he  referred  to  the  passage  of  the  financial 
legislation  dnring  the  last  session  of  Congress 
npon  the  recommendation  of  the  President,  the 
Convention  cheered  the  sentiment  enthusiasti- 
cally. In  concluding  his  reference  to  the  finan- 
cial legislation,  Senator  Foraker  said : 

"The  wild  cry  of  i6  to  i,  so  full  of  terror  in 
1896,  has  been  put  everlastingly  to  sleep  in  the 
catacombs  of  American  politics." 

Pandemonium  Broke  Loose. 

This  sentiment  was  received  with,  cheers  from 
the  delegates,  while  the  gallery  spectators  shook 
the  building  with  their  enthusiastic  demonstra- 
tion. Briefly,  Senator  Foraker  adverted  to  the 
record  of  the  President,  in  peace  or  in  war, 
as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  American 
history.  "In  war  and  in  peace,''  said  he, 
while  the  delegates  and  spectators  echoed  the 
refrain  of  the  sentiment  expressed,  "he  has 
been  found  equal  to  all  extraordinary  require- 
ments." 

In  all  American  history  there  has  been  no 
chapter  more  brilliant  than  that  written  by  the 
United  States  with  him  as  chief  The  refer- 
ence to  the  great  leader  of  the  party,  the  suc- 
cesses already  acheived  by  him,  and  the  grave 
responsibilities  now  being  carried  forward  by 
him,  made  the  applause  frequent  and  long  con- 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     167 

/inued.  But  it  remained  for  his  closing  sen- 
tence, for  tlie  first  time  mentioning  William 
McKinley  by  name  as  the  nominee,  to  electrify 
the  great  multitude. 

Pandemonium  broke  loose.  Former  tempests 
of  enthusiasm  paled  before  this  cyclone  of 
sound  and  movement.  Every  one  stood  and 
waved  and  yelled.  State  standards  were 
wrenched  from  their  places  and  borne  aloft 
with  umbrellas,  great  plumes  of  red  and  white 
and  blue,  a  perfect  sea  of  color.  Senator  Hanna 
sprang  to  the  front  of  the  stage,  a  flag  in  one 
hand,  a  plume  in  the  other,  and  led  in  the  tre- 
mendous demonstration.  Not  content  with 
their  frenzied  hurrah  on  the  floor,  delegates 
marched  in  solid  ranks  upon  the  platform,  with 
standards,  plumes,  banners  and  flags. 

Roosevelt  Seconds  the  Nomination. 

It  was  exactly  fifteen  minutes  when  order  was 
restored  and  Mr.  Lodge  announced  : 

"The  Chair  recognizes  Governor  Roosevelt, 
of  New  York." 

Again  the  magic  of  a  name  sent  the  multi- 
tude into  convulsions  of  enthusiasm.  All  eyes 
were  turned  toward  Roosevelt.  He  stepped  out 
into  the  aisle  and  strode  up  the  platform, 
looking  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left, 
and   then    turning    and  surveying   the   sea  of 


it>»     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

waving,  cHeering  humanity.  There  he  stood, 
his  face  grimly  set,  without  a  smile.  He  made 
no  acknowledgment,  no  salutation  to  the  plaud 
its,  but  like  a  hero  receiving  his  due,  calmly 
awaited  the  subsidence  of  the  tumult.  At  last 
he  raised  his  hand,  and  at  his  bidding  the 
demonstration  came  to  an  end. 

His  speech  was  applauded  by  the  assembled 
thousands  and  none  more  effective  was  made  in 
the  Convention. 

Governor  Roosevelt,  in  seconding  the  nomi- 
nation of   McKinley,  said  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman:  I  rise  to  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  William  McKinley,  the  President,  who 
has  had  to  meet  and  solve  problems  more 
numerous  and  more  important  than  any  other 
President  since  the  days  of  mighty  Abraham 
Lincoln;  the  President  under  whose  adminis- 
traticm.  this  countr}^  has  attained  a  higher  pitch 
of  prosperity  at  home  and  honor  abroad  than 
ever  before  in  its  history.  Four  years  ago  the 
Republican  party  nominated  William  McKinley 
as  its  standard  bearer  in  a  political  conflict  of 
graver  moment  to  the  nation  than  any  that  has 
taken  place  since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War 
saw  us  once  more  a^reunited  country. 

"The  Republican  party  nominated  him;  but, 
before  the  campaign  was  many  days  old,  he  had 
become  the  candidate,  not  only  of  all  Republi- 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     169 

cans,  but  of  all  Americans  who  were  both  far- 
sighted  enough  to  see  where  the  true  interests 
of  the  country  lay,  and  clear-minded  enough  to 
be  keenly  sensitive  to  the  taint  of  dishonor. 
President  McKinley  was  triumphantly  elected 
on  certain  distinct  pledges,  and  those  pledges 
have  been  made  more  than  good.  We  were 
then  in  a  condition  of  industrial  paralysis. 
The  capitalist  was  plunged  in  ruin  and  disaster; 
the  wage-worker  was  on  the  verge  of  actual 
want;  the  success  of  our  opponents  would  have 
meant  ^ot  only  immense  aggravation  of  the 
actual  physical  distress,  but  also  a  stain  on  the 
nation's  honor  so  deep  that  more  than  one  gen- 
eration would  have  to  pass  before  it  would 
be  effectually  wiped  out. 

*^  We  promised  that  if  President  McKinley 
were  elected  not  only  should  the  national  honor 
be  kept  unstained  at  home  and  abroad,  but  that 
the  mill  and  the  work-shop  should  open,  the 
farmer  have  a  market  for  his  goods,  the  mer- 
chant for  his  wares,  and  that  the  wage-earner 
should  prosper  as  never  before.  We  did  not 
promise  the  impossible;  we  did  not  say  that,  by 
good  legislation,  and  good  administration,  there 
would  come  prosperity  to  all  men;  but  we  did 
say  that  each  man  should  have  a  better  chance 
to  win  prosperity  than  he  had  ever  yet  had.  In 
the  long  run  the  thrift,   industry,   energy  and 


170    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

capacity  of  the  individual  must  always  remain 
the  chief  factor  in  his  success. 

"By  unwise  or  dishonest  legislation  or  admin- 
istration on  the  part  of  the  national  authorities, 
ill  these  qualities  in  the  individual  can  be 
nullified,  but  wise  legislation  and  upright 
administration  will  give  them  free  scope  ;  and 
It  was  this  free  scope  that  we  promised  should 

be  given. 

Business  Is  Booming. 

"  Well,  we  kept  our  word.  The  opportunity 
has  been  given,  and  it  has  been  seized  by 
American  energy,  thrift  and  business  enter- 
prises. As  a  result,  we  have  prospered  as  never 
before,  and  we  are  now  prospering  to  a  degree 
that  would  have  seemed  incredible  four  years 
ago,  when  the  clouds  of  menace  to  our  industrial 
well  being  hung  black  above  the  land. 

"So  it  has  been  in  foreign  affairs.  Four 
years  ago  the  nation  was  uneasy  because  right 
at  our  doors  an  American  island  lay  writhing 
in  awful  agony  under  the  curse  of  worse  than 
mediaeval  tyranny  and  misrule.  We  had  our 
Armenia  at  our  very  doors,  for  the  situation  in 
Cuba  had  grown  intolerable  and  such  that  this 
nation  could  no  longer  refrain  from  interference, 
and  retain  its  own  self-respect. 

"President  McKinley  turned  to  this  duty  as 
he  had  turned  to  others.     He  sought  by  every 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     171 

effort  possible  to  provide  for  Spain's  withdrawal 
from  the  islands  which  she  was  impotent  longer 
to  do  aught  than  oppress.  Then,  when  pacific 
means  had  failed,  and  there  remained  the  only 
alternative,  we  waged  the  most  righteous  and 
brilliantly  successful  foreign  war  that  any 
country  had  waged  during  the  lifetime  of  the 
present  generation.  It  was  not  a  great  war, 
simply  because  it  was  won  too  quickly  ;  but  it 
was  momentous  indeed  in  its  effect. 

"  It  left  us,  as  all  great  feats  must  leave  those 
who  perform  them,  an  inheritance  both  of  honor 
and  of  responsibility  ;  and,  under  the  lead  of 
President  McKinley,  the  nation  has  taken  up 
the  task  of  securing  orderly  liberty  and  the 
reign  of  j  ustice  and  law  in  the  islands  from 
which  we  drove  the  tyranny  of  Spain,  with  the 
same  serious  realization  of  duty  and  sincere 
purpose  to  perform  it,  that  has  marked  the 
national  attitude  in  dealing  with  the  economic 
and  financial  difficulties  that  face  us  at  home. 

No  Swapping  of  Horses. 

"This  is  what  the  nation  has  done  during  the 
three  years  that  have  elapsed  since  we  made 
McKinley  President ;  and  all  this  is  what  he 
typifies  and  stands  for.  We  here  nominate  him 
again,  and,  in  November  next,  we  shall  elect 
him  again  ;  because  it  has  been  given  to  him  to 


1  72    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

personify  the  cause  of  honor  abroad  and  pros- 
perity at  home,  of  wise  legislation-and  straight- 
forward administration.  We  all  know  the  old 
adage  about  swapping  horses  while  crossing  a 
stream,  and  the  still  older  adage  about  letting 
well  enough  alone. 

''To  change  from  President  McKinley  now, 
would  be  merely  to  swap  horses.  It  would 
be  to  jump  off  the  horse  that  has  carried  us 
across  and  wade  back  into  the  torrent  ;  and  to 
put  him  for  four  years  more  into  the  White 
House  means  not  merely  to  let  well  enough 
alone,  but  to  insist  that  when  we  are  thriving 
as  never  before,  we  shall  not  be  plunged  back 
into  the  abyss  of  shame,  and  panic  and  dis- 
aster. 

Honest  Administration. 

''  We  have  done  so  well  that  our  opponents 
actually  use  this  very  fact  as  an  appeal  for 
turning  us  out.  We  have  put  the  tariff  on  a 
foundation  so  secure,  we  have  passed  such  wise 
laws  on  finance,  that  they  actually  appeal  to  the 
patriotic,  honest  men  who  deserted  them  at  the 
last  election,  to  help  them  now  ;  because  for- 
sooth, we  have  done  so  well  that  nobody  need 
fear  their  capacity  to  undo  our  work.  I  am  not 
exaggerating.  This  is  literally  the  argument 
that  is  now  addressed  to  the  gold  Democrats  as 
a  reason   that  they  need  no  longer  stand  by  the 


GREAT     PEACE    JUBILEE     IN     PHILADELPHIA     RETURNED 
SOLDIERS    MARCHING    THROUGH    THE    COURT    OF    HONOR 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     173 

Republican  party.  To  all  sucli  as  may  be 
inclined  to  listen  to  tbese  specious  arguments, 
I  would  address  an  emphatic  word  of  warning. 

"  Remember  that,  admirable  though  our  legis- 
lation has  been  during  the  past  three  years,  it 
has  been  rendered  possible  and  effective  only 
because  there  was  good  administration  to  back 
it.  Wise  laws  are  invaluable,  but  after  all  they 
are  not  as  necessary  as  wise  and  honest  adminis- 
tration of  the  laws.  The  best  law  ever  made,  if 
administered  by  those  who  are  hostile  to  it,  and 
and  who  mean  to  break  it  down,  cannot  be 
wholly  effective  and  may  be  wholly  ineffective. 
We  have  at  last  put  our  financial  legislation  on 
a  sound  basis,  but  no  possible  financial  legisla- 
tion can  save  us  from  fearful  and  disastrous 
panic  if  we  trust  our  finances  to  the  manage- 
ment of  any  man  who  would  be  acceptable  to 
the  leaders  and  guides  of  the  old  Democracy 
in  its  prese;nt  spirit. 

^'  No  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  would 
be  acceptable  to  or  who  could  without  loss  of  self- 
respect  serve  under  the  Populistic  Democracy, 
could  avoid  plunging  the  country  back  into 
financial  chaos.  Until  our  opponents  have  ex- 
plicitly and  absolutely  repudiated  the  principles 
which  in  '96  they  professed,  and  the  leaders  who 
embody  these  principles,  their  success  means 
the    undoing  of  the  country.     Nor  have   they 


174    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

any  longer  even  the  excuse  of  being  honest  in 
their  folly. 

"  They  have  raved,  they  have  foamed  at 
the  mouth,  in  denunciation  of  ^trusts,  and  now, 
in  my  own  State,  their  foremost  party  leaders, 
including  the  man  before  whom  the  others  bow 
with  bared  head  and  trembling  knees,  have 
been  discovered  in  a  trust  which  really  is  of 
infamous,  and  perhaps  of  criminal,  character ; 
a  trust  in  which  these  apostles  of  Democracy, 
prophets  of  the  new  dispensation,  have  sought 
to  wring  fortunes  from  the  dire  need  of  their 
poorer  brethren. 

The  Philippine  Policy. 

"  I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  William 
McKinley  because  with  him  as  leader  this 
country  has  trod  the  path  of  national  greatness 
and  prosperity  with  the  strides  of  a  giant,  and 
because  under  him  we  can,  and  will,  once  more 
and  finally  overthrow  those  whose  success  would 
mean  for  the  nation  material  disaster  and  moral 
disgrace.  Exactly  as  we  have  remedied  the 
evils  which,  in  the  past,  we  undertook  to  remedy, 
so,  now,  when  we  say  that  a  wrong  shall  be 
righted,  it  most  assuredly  will  be  righted. 

''  We  have  nearly  succeeded  in  bringing  peace 
and  order  to  the  Philippines.  We  have  sent 
thither,  and  to  other  islands  towards  whose  in- 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     175 

habitants  we  now  stand  as  trustees  in  the  cause 
of  good  government,  men  like  Wood,  Taft,  and 
Allen,  whose  very  names  are  synonyms  of  in- 
tegrity, and  guarantees  of  efficiency.  Appointees 
like  these,  with  subordinates  chosen  on  grounds 
of  merit  and  fitness  alone,  are  evidences  of  the 
spirit  and  methods  in  and  by  which  this  nation 
must  approach  its  new  and  serious  duties. 
Contrast  this  with  what  would  be  the  fate  of  the 
islands  under  the  spoils  system  so  brazenly  ad- 
vocated by  our  opponents  in  their  last  national 
platform. 

"  The  war  still  goes  on  because  the  allies  in 
this  country  of  the  bloody  insurrectionary 
oligarchy  have  taught  their  foolish  dupes  abroad 
to  believe  that  if  the  rebellion  is  kept  alive  until 
next  November  Democratic  success  at  the  polls 
here  will  be  followed  by  the  abandonment  of  the 
islands — that  means  their  abandonment  to 
savages  who  would  scramble  for  what  we  desert, 
until  some  powerful  civilized  nation  stepped  in 
to  do  what  we  should  have  shown  ourselves  unfit 
to  perform.  Our  success  in  November  means 
peace  in  the  islands.  The  success  of  our 
political  opponents  means  an  indefinite  prolon- 
gation of  misery  and  bloodshed.  We  of 
this  convention  now  renominate  the  man 
whose  name  is  a  guaranty  against  such  dis- 
aster. 


176    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

^'  When  we  place  William  McKinley  as  our 
candidate  before  the  people,  we  place  the  Re- 
publican party  on  record  as  standing  for  the 
performance  which  squares  with  promise,  as 
standing  for  the  redemption  in  administration 
and  legislation  of  the  pledges  made  in  the  plat- 
form and  on  the  stump,  as  standing  for  the 
upbuilding  of  the  national  honor  and  interest 
abroad,  and  the  continuance  at  home  of  the 
prosperity  which  it  has  already  brought  to  the 
farm  and  workshop. 

Looks  to  the  Future  with   Fearless  Eyes. 

"  We  stand  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  century, 
a  century  big  with  the  fate  of  the  great  nations 
of  the  earth.  It  rests  with  us  now  to  decide 
whether,  in  the  opening  years  of  that  century, 
we  shall  march  forward  to  fresh  triumphs,' or 
whether,  at  the  outset,  we  shall  deliberately 
cripple  ourselves  for  the  contest.  Is  America  a 
weakling,  to  shrink  from  the  world  work  that 
must  be  done  by  the  world  powers  ?  No.  The 
young  giant  of  the  West  stands  on  a  continent 
that  clasps  the  crest  of  an  ocean  in  either  hand. 
Our  nation,  glorious  in  youth  and  strength, 
looks  into  the  future  with  fearless  and  eager 
eyes,  and  rejoices  as  a  strong  man  to  run  a 
race.  We  do  not  stand  in  craven  mood,  asking 
to  be  spared  the  task,  cringing  as  we  gaze  on  the 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     177 

t^ontest.  No.  We  cliallenge  tlie  proud  privilege 
of  doing  the  work  tliat  Providence  allots  us,  and 
we  face  the  coming  years  high  of  heart  and  res- 
olute of  faith  that  to  our  people  is  given  the 
right  to  win  such  honor  and  renown  as  has  never 
yet  been  granted  to  the  peoples  of  mankind." 

Senator  Thurston's  Speech. 

John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  in  seconding 
the  nomination  of  President  McKinley,  said : 

'^  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  There  are 
voices  to-day  more  powerful  and  eloquent  than 
those  of  men  seconding  the  nomination  of 
William  McKinley.  They  come  from  the 
forest,  and  the  farm,  the  mountain  and  the 
valley,  the  North,  the  South,  the  East  and  the 
West.  They  are  the  voices  of  happy  homes, 
of  gladdened  hearts,  of  bustling,  toiling, 
striving,  earnest,  prosperous  millions,  of  re- 
established business,  re-employed  labor,  re- 
opened factories,  renewed  national  credit  and 
faith. 

"In  all  the  whole  broad  land  every  furnace 
fire  that  roars,  every  spindle  that  sings,  ever;y 
whistle  that  blows,  every  mountain  torrent  set 
to  toil,  every  anvil  that  rings,  every  locomotive 
that  screams,  every  steamship  that  plows  the 
main,  every  mighty  wheel  that  turns,  are  all 
joining  the   glad,    grand   voices  of  prosperous, 

12 


178    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

progressive,  patriotic  America,  seconding  tlie 
nomination  of  our  great  President — Williarii 
McKinley. 

Who  is  William  McKinley? 

*^  And  wlio  is  William  McKinley  ?  Born  of 
common  people,  struggling  through  the  environ- 
ments of  humble  boyhood  and  toil,  he  stands 
to-day  before  the  world  the  foremost  representa- 
tive of  all  that  is  most  glorious  and  grand  in 
our  uplifted  civilization. 

^^  Who  is  William  McKinley  ?  A  citizen 
soldier  of  the  Republic,  the  boy  volunteer, 
knighted  by  his  country's  commission  for  dar- 
ing deeds  in  the  forefront  of  desperate  battle. 

^'  His  alma  mater  was  the  tented  field,  his 
diploma  of  valor  bore  the  same  signs,  true  as 
did  the  emancipation  proclamation. 

*'  When  Sheridan,  summoned  by  the  mighty 
roar  of  doubtful  battles,  rode  madly  down  from 
Winchester  and  drew  nigh  to  the  shattered  and 
retreating  columns  of  his  army,  the  first  man  he 
met  to  know  was  a  young  lieutenant  engaged 
in  the  desperate  work  of  rallying  and  reforming 
the  Union  lines,  ready  for  the  coming  of  the 
master,  whose  presence  and  genius  alone  could 
wrest  ^^ictory  from  defeat.  That  young  lieu- 
tenant  of  the  Shenandoah  has  been  rallying  and 
forming  the  Union  lines  from  that  day  to  this. 


\ 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     179 

An  Army  for  Protection. 

''  He  rallied  and  formed  tliem  for  protection 
of  American  labor  ;  lie  rallied  and  formed  tliem 
to  maintain  the  credit  of  our  country  and  the 
juonetary  standard  of  the  civilized  world.  He 
rallied  and  formed  them  in  the  great  struggle 
of  humanit}^,  and  sent  the  power  of  the  Repub- 
lic to  the  islands  of  the  sea,  that  a  suffering 
people  might  be  lifted  from  the  depths  of  tyranny 
and  oppression.  He  rallied  and  formed  them, 
that  our  navies  might  astound  the  world  and 
make  our  flag  respected  in  all  the  earth.  He 
rallied  and  formed  them  that  law  and  order 
might  prevail  and  property  and  life  and  liberty 
be  secure  where  the  banner  of  the  Republic 
waves  in  sovereignty  above  our  new  possessions 
in  the  East."      (Great  applause.) 

A  Voice  From  Kentucky. 

John  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky,  was  recog- 
nized by  Chairman  Lodge  to  second  the  nomi- 
nation of  McKinley.  He  referred  to  the  fact 
that  Kentucky  took  in  the  first  Convention  of 
1856,  and  said  :  "  Forty  years  after  that  body 
adjourned  Kentucky  for  the  first  time  gave  her 
electoral  vote  to  a  Republican  Presidential 
candidate — Major  William  McKiiile}^  (Ap- 
plause.) Recognized  as  a  citadel  of  Democracy 
she  had  capitulated  to  the  Republicans  in  the 


180     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

noted  State  campaign  of  1895.  Slie  was  Repub- 
lican in  1896,  Republican  in  1899,  is  Republican 
to-day  (applause)  and  as  such,  seconds  tbis 
nomination.  " 

After  reference  to  our  new  possessions  and 
expressions  of  confidence  in  McKinley's  elec- 
tion in  November,  Mr.  Yerkes  closed  as  fol- 
lows : 

''  In  1896  we  gave  you  an  old  representative 
slave-bolding  state.  By  so  doing  we  removed 
one  charge  against  our  party,  that  it  was  sec- 
tional. The  Ohio  river  was  crossed,  Republi- 
cans marched  southward,  and  this  sectional  line 
disappeared  from  the  map.  We  will  do  it 
again.  (Applause.)  We  will  still  show  the 
North  and  the  South  and  the  East  that  Repub- 
licanism— to  use  language  of  our  distinguished 
chairman — means  action,  and  is  always  moving 
forward.  A  Kentuckian,  a  lover  of  my  native 
state,  believing  in  the  integrity  and  honesty  of 
her  citizens,  I  have  the  fullest  confidence  in 
them ;  I  believe  they  will  make  final  response 
to  right  arguments,  and  that  response  will  be 
made  at  our  polls  next  November  in  electing 
electors  to  vote  for  President  William  McKinley 
for  re-election."     (Applause.) 

Able  speeches  were  also  made  by  Hon.  George 
A.  Knight,  chairman  of  the  California  delega- 
tion, and  Governor  James  A.  Mount,  of  Indiana. 


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REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     181 

The  entliusiasm  in  the  convention  was  at  fever 
heat,  and  the  telling  hits  made  b}^  the  speakers 
were  ronndly  applauded. 

Great  Demonstration  for  McKinley. 

The  roll  of  States  was  called,  and  every  dele- 
gate voted  for  McKinley.  There  was  some 
cheering  as  the  chairmen  of  Massachusetts, 
Iowa,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  announced 
that  the  choice  of  their  delegates  was  "William 
McKinley,"  and  when  Hawaii  was  reached,  the 
whole  assemblage  cheered  the  delegates  from 
the  Pacific  Islands,  now  flying  the  American 
flag.  There  was  no  need  for  the  tally  clerks  to 
add  up  the  totals  ;  they  knew  there  were  926 
delegates  in  the  Convention,  and  all  of  them 
had  voted  for  President  McKinley,  so  Chairman 
Lodge  was  able  to  announce,  the  moment  Haw- 
aii's vote  was  recorded,  that  "the  total  vote  is 
926.  William  McKinley  has  received  926 
votes.  It  is  a  unanimous  vote,  and  the  Chair- 
man declares  that  William  McKinley  is  your 
nominee  for  President  of  the  United  States  for 
the  term  beginning  March  4,  1901." 

Pandemonium  again  broke  loose.  Delegates 
carrying  the  State  standards  and  plumes  par- 
aded around  the  hall,  and  a  large  elephant, 
typical  of  Republican  strength,  was  borne 
through  the  aisles. 


182    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

Nomination  for  Vice-President. 

In  nominating  Governor  Roosevelt  for  Vice- 
President  Colonel  Young,  of  Iowa,  spoke  as 
follows  : 

''Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  liave 
lirlened  with  profound  interest  to  the  numerous 
indictments  pronounced  against  the  Democratic 
party,  and  as  an  impartial  reader  of  history  I  am 
compelled  to  confess  that  the  indictments  are  all 
only  too  true.  If  I  am  to  judge,  however,  by  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  hour,  the  Republican  relief 
committee  sent  out  four  years  ago  to  carry  sup- 
plies and  succor  to  the  prostrate  industries  of 
the  Republic,  has  retu-^n^d  to  make  formal  report 
that  the  duty  has  been  discharged,  (applause). 
I  could  add  nothing  to  this  indictment,  except  to 
say  that  this  unfortunate  party  through  four 
years  of  legislation  and  administrative  control 
had  made  it,  up  to  1896,  impossible  for  an  honest 
man  to  get  into  debt  or  to  get  out  of  it,  (laughter). 

"  But,  my  fellow-citizens,  you  know  my  pur- 
pose, you  know  the  heart  of  this  convention. 
The  country  never  called  for  patriotic  sons  from 
any  given  family,  but  more  was  offered  than 
there  was  any  room  for  on  the  enlistment  roll. 
When  this  convention  and  this  great  party  called 
for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  two  voices 
responded,  one  from  the  Mississippi  Valley  by 
birth,  another  by  loving  affection  and  adoption. 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      183 

It  is  my  mission,  representing  tHat  part  of  the 
great  Louisiana  purchase  to  withdraw  one  of 
these  sons  and  suggest  that  the  dut}^  be  placed 
upon  the  other. 

"I,  therefore,  withdraw  the  name  of  Jonathan 
P.  Dolliver,  of  Iowa,  a  man  born  with  the  thrill 
of  the  Lincoln  and  Fremont  campaigns  in  his 
heart  and  with  the  power  to  stir  the  hearts  and 
conscience  of  men  as  part  of  his  birthright.  We 
turn  to  this  other  adopted  son  of  the  great 
Middle  West,  and  at  this  moment  I  recall  that 
two  years  ago  to-day  as  many  men  as  there  are 
men  and  women  in  this  great  hall  were  on  board 
sixty  transports  lying  off  Santiago  harbor  in 
full  view  of  the  bay,  with  Morro  Castle  looming 
up  upon  the  right  and  another  prominence  on 
the  left,  with  the  opening  of  the  channel 
between. 

''  On  board  those  transports  were  20,000 
soldiers  that  had  gone  away  from  our  shores  to 
liberate  another  race,  to  fulfill  no  obligation  but 
that  of  humanity. 

Regiment  of  Rough  Riders. 

*'  On  the  ship  Yucatan  was  that  famous  regi- 
ment of  Rough  Riders  of  the  far  West  and  the 
Mississippi  Valley  (applause.)  In  command  of 
that  regiment  was  that  fearless  young  Amer- 
ican,   student,    scholar,     plainsman,    reviewer. 


184    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900. 

historian,  statesman,  soldier,  of  the  middle 
West  by  adoption,  of  New  York,  by  birth. 
That  fleet  sailed  around  the  point,  coming  to 
the  place  of  landing,  stood  off  the  harbor,  two 
years  ago  to-morrow,  and  the  navy  bombarded 
that  shore  to  make  a  place  for  landing,  and  no 
man  who  lives  who  was  in  that  campaign  as  an 
officer,  as  a  soldier,  or  as  a  camp  follower,  can 
fail  to  recall  the  spectacle  ;  and,  if  he  closes  his 
eyes  he  sees  the  awful  scenes  in  that  campaign 
in  June  and  July,  1898. 

"Then  the  landing  being  completed,  there 
were  those  who  stood  upon  the  shore  and  saw 
these  indomitable  men  land,  landing  in  small 
boats  through  the  waves  that  dashed  against 
the  shore,  landing  without  harbor,  but  land 
they  did,  with  their  accoutrements  on,  and  their 
weapons  by  their  sides.  And  those  who  stood 
upon  that  shore  and  saw  these  men  come  on 
thought  they  could  see  in  their  faces,.  ''  stranger, 
can  you  tell  me  the  nearest  road  to  Santiago  ?  " 
(Applause.) 

"  That  is  the  place  they  were  looking  for. 
And  the  leader  of  that  campaign  of  one  of  those 
regiments  shall  be  the  name  that  I  shall  place 
before  the  Convention  for  the-  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States  (applause.) 

"Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  know  you 
have  been  here  a  long  time,  and  that  you  have 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.      185 

had  politics  in  abundance.  I  know  the  desire 
to  complete  the  work  of  this  Convention  ;  but  I 
cannot  forbear  to  say  that  this  occasion  has  a 
higher  significance  than  one  of  politics.  The 
campaign  of  this  year  is  higher  than  politics. 
In  fact,  if  patriotism  could  have  its  way,  there 
would  be  but  one  political  party  and  but  one 
electoral  ticket  in  any  State  of  the  Union, 
because  political  duty  would  enforce  it.  In 
many  respects  the  years  1898  and  1899  have 
been  the  great  years  of  the  Republic. 

What  Patriotism  Demands. 

"  There  is  not  under  any  sun  or  any  clime 
any  man  or  government  that  cares  to  insult  the 
flag  of  the  United  States.  Not  one.  We  are  a 
greater  and  a  broader  people  on  account  of  these 
achievements.  Uncle  Sam  has  been  made  a 
cosmopolitan  citizen  of  the  world.  No  one  ques- 
tions his  prowess  or  his  bravery  as  the  result  of 
these  campaigns,  and  as  the  result  of  the  Ameri- 
can spirit.  My  fellow-citizens,  the  American 
soldier,  ten  thousand  miles  away  from  home, 
with  a  musket  in  his  hands,  says  to  the  aggres- 
sor, to  those  who  are  in  favor  of  tyranny  :  ^Halt ! 
Who  comes  there  ?  '  and  the  same  spirit  says  to 
the  beleaguered  hosts  of  liberty  :  ^  Hold  the 
fort,  for  I  am  coming  I '  Thus  says  the  spirit 
of  Americanism. 


186    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTIONM900. 

"  Now,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  place 
before  you  tliis  distinguished  leader  of  Repub- 
licanism of  the  United  States  ;  this  leader  of 
the  aspirations  of  the  people,  whose  hearts  are 
right,  and  this  leader  of  the  aspirations  of  the 
young  men  of  this  country.  Their  hearts  and 
consciences  are  with  this  young  leader,  whom  I 
shall  name  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United 
States — Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New  York.'' 
(Loud  cheering). 

New  England  for  Roosevelt. 

M.  J.  Murray,  of  Massachusetts,  in  seconding 
Roosevelt's  nomination  spoke  as  follows  : 

*^  Massachusetts  commissions  me,  through 
her  delegation,  to  speak  to  you.  We  who  come 
from  the  old  Bay  State  know  and  love  and 
appreciate  the  Governor  of  New  York.  (Ap- 
plause.) He  has  many  times  been  welcomed 
within  our  borders,  and  we  have  for  him  that 
high  appreciation  which  Massachusett's  man- 
hood always  has  for  a  thorough-going;  fighting 
Republican.  (Cheers,)  We  yield  to  him  a  full 
measure  of  devotion,  unsurpassed  by  that  of 
any  other  delegation  upon  the  floor  of  this  Con- 
vention. His  life  to  us  is  an  embodiment  of 
those  qualities  which  appeal  everywhere  to 
American  manhood,  and  which  are  a  sufficient 
guarantee  of  the  kind  of  public  service  that  he 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900.     1  87 

will  render   in  this  new    and   higli    position  of 
responsibility  to  the  American  people. 

'^  On  behalf  of  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts, which  has  furnished  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States  one  of  the  best  assistants 
that  he  has  enjoyed  in  his  Cabinet  (applause), 
mindful  of  the  duty  which  he  expects  us 
to  perform  in  this  Convention,  with  the 
heartiest  kind  of  sympathy  and  regard  for  the 
voice  of  this  great  gathering,  the  Chairman,  on 
behalf  of  the  delegation  which  has  complimented 
me  with  the  privilege,  I  am  now  to  exercise 
aye,  on  behalf  of  all  New  England,  whose 
towns  and  cities  have  been  responsible  for  some 
of  the  character  that  has  entered  into  the  nation^ s 
life.  With  all  the  earnestness  that  I  can  com- 
mand I  second  the  nomination  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York." 

Washington  Goes  for  Roosevelt. 

In  seconding  Roosevelt's  nomination,  J.  W, 
Ashton,  of  Washington  State,  spoke  as  follows  : 

''We  come  here  from  the  great,  the  growing 
and  the  mighty  Northwest.  We  come  to  greet 
my  worthy  predecessor,  the  great  States  of  New 
England  in  the  mighty  Northeast.  We  come 
from  the  gateway  of  the  treasure  land  of 
Alaska — the  land  which  will  make  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  sink  into  insignificance. 


1S8     REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

''  We  have  said  from  tlie  commencement  if 
it  were  possible  to  secure  the  nomination  and 
the  acceptance  of  Governor  Roosevelt,  together 
with  that  grand  character  of  American  history, 
the  eminent,  the  illustrious  and  the  patriotic 
soldier  and  statesman  and  soldier,  William 
McKinley  (applause),  it  would  be  the  greatest 
ticket,  the  grandest  ticket  and  the  strongest 
which  can  be  placed  before  the  American 
people. 

"Now,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  beneath 
the  banner  of  McKinley  and  Roosevelt  the 
West  will  unite  with  the  mighty  East  and  go 
before  the  shrine  of  the  people.  We  have  no 
fears.  You  will  find  that  when  the  ballot  is 
cast  next  November  the  West  has,  with  the. 
entire  country,  woven  above  the  girdle  of  Col- 
umbia the  guidon  of  political  power  and  political 
freedom — you  will  find  that  when  you  count 
the  ballots  from  the  States  of  the  setting  sun 
they  will  read  for  McKinley  and  Roosevelt,  and 
we  will  clasp  that  girdle  in  Republican  victory."" 

Depew  on  Roosevelt. 

United  States  Senator  Chauncey  M.  Depew, 
was  selected  by  the  New  York  delegation  to 
withdraw  the  name  of  Lieutenant-Governor 
Woodruff  and  second  the  nomination  of  Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt.     Loud   calls   brought  him  to 


THE    WHITE     HOUSE-WASHINGTON 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1900.     189 

the  platform  and  lie  delivered  tlie  spiciest,  most 
eloquent  speecH  of  tlie  Convention.  (His  eulogy 
of  the  Rough  Rider  will  be  found  in  our  "  Life 
of  Roosevelt,"  printed  elsewhere  in  this  volume.) 

Great  Uprising  for  Roosevelt. 

When  the  roll  of  states  was  called,  it  is  need- 
less to  say  every  delegate  voted  for  Roosevelt 
with  one  exception,  and  that  was  himself  A 
demonstration  of  the  wildest  and  most  enthu- 
siastic character,  and  lasting  half  an  hour,  fol- 
lowed the  announcement  that  Roosevelt  was  the 
nominee  for  Vice-President. 

Palms  were  waved,  the  standards  of  the  various 
delegations  were  hurried  to  the  platform,  the 
band  attempted  to  make  itself  heard  amid  the 
loud  acclaim,  processions  of  excited,  cheering 
delegates  marched  up  and  down  the  aisles,  and 
the  popular  New  York  Governor  was  con- 
gratulated by  as  many  as  could  get  within  reach 
of  him. 

The  Convention  then  passed  resolutions 
thanking  the  Mayor  and  people  of  Philadelphia 
for  making  the  arrangements  for  the  Convention 
and  entertainment  of  the  delegates  a  complete 
success,  and  a  motion  for  adjournment  was 
carried. 

Senator  Hanna,  of  Ohio,  was  re-elected  Chair- 
man of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 


190    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1900. 

TO  ROOSEVELT. 

A  Colorado  poet  lias   written   a  spirited  poem 
in  praise  of  the  famous  RougH  Rider. 

Now,  doff  your  hat  to  Teddy,  boys,   for  he's 

the  proper  man. 
His  life  has  been   a  triumph   since  its  starting 

first  began. 
His  pluck   and  spirit   in   the   days  he  roamed 

upon  the  range 
Has    builded   up  a  character   no  circumstance 

can  changeo 

From  a  cowboy  on  the  "round-up"  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  his  State 

We've  always  found  a  man  in  him  thafs 
strictly  up  to  date. 

As  a  daring  **  bronco  buster,"  or  a  Colonel  in 
command, 

We'll  greet  him  with  McKinley  with  an  open, 
hearty  hand. 

He    served   his   country   nobly   and  fired  his 

faithful  boys 
With  patriotic  valor,  amid  the  cannon's  noise. 
And,  as  they  to  him   were  loyal,  in   battle's 

fierce  array. 
So  will   the  voters  prove  to  be  upon  election 

day. 

Now  doff  your  hats  to  Teddy,  boys,  the   man 

with  grit  and  nerve. 
In   every   office  that  he  fills,  the   people  will 

he  serve. 
Progression  is   his  policy,  no   laggard   in  the 

race, 
He'll  lead  us  on  to  victory,   whatever  be  the 

pace. 


i 


McKINLEY  AND  ROOSEVELT  NOTIFIED.         191 

Mckinley  and  roosevelt  notified  of 

THEIR  nominations. 

On  July  i2tli  Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachu- 
setts, stood  on  the  porch  of  President  McKinley, 
at  Canton,  Ohio,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  great 
crowd  officially  notified  him  that  he  was  the 
unanimous  choice  of  the  Republican  National 
Convention  for  President.  The  town  was  ga}^ 
with  bunting  and  there  was  a  large  outpouring 
of  citizens. 

Senator  Lodge's  remarks  were  frequently  in- 
terrupted with  applause.  When  he  closed  and 
President  McKinley  mounted  the  stand  the  as- 
semblage rose  and  cheered  enthusiastically.  It 
was  some  moments  before  the  President  could 
begin  his  remarks.  He  had  a  manuscript  of  his 
speech  in  his  hand,  but  he  referred  to  it  only  at 
long  intervals.  When  he  mentioned  the  ^'new 
peoples  under  our  care  "  there  was  a  hearty 
burst  of  applause. 

The  President's  Response. 

Senator  Lodge  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Notification 

Committee : 

The  message  which  you  bring  me  is  one  of 
signal  honor.  It  is  also  a  summons  to  duty.  A 
single  nomination  for  the  office  of  President  by 
a  great  party  which  in  thirty-two  years  out  of 


192        McKINLEY   AND  ROOSEVELT  KOTTFIED. 

forty  has  been  triumphant  at  national  elections 
is  a  distinction  which  I  gratefully  cherish.  To 
receive  unanimous  renomination  by  the  same 
part}^  is  an  expression  of  regard  and  a  pledge  of 
continued  confidence  for  which  it  is  difficult  to 
make  adequate  acknowledgment. 

If  anything  exceeds  the  honor  of&ce  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  it  is  the  responsibility 
which  attaches  to  it.  Having  been  invested  with 
both,  I  do  not  underappraise  either.  Any  one 
who  has  borne  the  anxieties  and  burdens  of  the 
Presidential  office,  especially  in  time  of  national 
trial,  cannot  contemplate  assuming  it  a  second 
time  without  profoundly  realizing  the  severe 
reactions  and  the  solemn  obligations  which  it 
imposes,  and  this  feeling  is  accentuated  by  mo- 
mentous problems  which  now  press  for  settlement. 

If  my  countrymen  shall  confirm  the  action  of 
the  convention  at  our  national  election  in  No- 
vember I  shall,  craving  divine  guidance,  under- 
take the  exalted  trust,  to  administer  it  for  the 
interest  and  honor  of  the  country  and  the  well- 
being  of  the  new  peoples  who  have  become  the 
objects  of  our  care.  The  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples adopted  by  the  convention  has  my  hearty 
approval.  At  some  future  date  I  will  consider 
its  subjects  in  detail  and  will  b}^  letter  communi- 
cate to  your  chairman  a  more  formal  acceptance 
of  the  nomination. 


Mckinley  and  roosevelt  notified.      193 
Party  Can  Be  Trusted. 

On  a  like  occasion  four  years  ago  I  said : 
"  The  party  that  supplied  by  legislation  the  vast 
revenues  for  the  conduct  of  our  greatest  war, 
that  promptly  restored  the  credit  of  the  country 
at  its  close,  that  from  its  abundant  revenues  paid 
ofif  a  large  share  of  the  debt  incurred  by  this  war 
and  that  resumed  specie  payments  and  placed 
our  paper  currency  upon  a  sound  and  enduring 
basis  can  be  safely  trusted  to  preserve  both  our 
credit  and  currency  with  honor,  stability  and  in- 
violability. The  American  people  hold  the  finan- 
cial honor  of  our  government  as  sacred  as  our 
flag  and  can  be  relied  upon  to  guard  it  with  the 
same  sleepless  vigilance.  They  hold  its  preser- 
vation above  party  fealty,  and  have  often  demon- 
strated that  party  ties  avail  nothing  when  the 
spotless  credit  of  our  country  is  threatened. 

"  The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage 
earner  and  the  pensioner  must  continue  forever 
equal  in  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  to 
the  dollar  paid  to  any  government  creditor. 

"  Our  industrial  supremacy,  our  productive 
capacity,  our  business  and  commercial  prosperity, 
our  labor  and  its  rewards,  our  national  credit  and 
currency,  our  proud  financial  honor  and  our 
splendid  free  citizenship,  the  birthright  of  every 
American,  are  all  involved  in  the  pending  cam- 
paign, and  thus  every  home  in  the  land  is 
13 


194        McKINLEY  AND  ROOSEVELT  NOTIFIED. 

directly  and  intimately  connected  with  their  pro- 
per settlement. 

Trade  Must  be  Won  Back. 

"  Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back,  and 
our  idle  working  people  employed  in  gainful 
occupations  at  American  wages.  Our  Home  mar- 
ket must  be  restored  to  its  proud  rank  of  first  in 
the  world,  and  our  foreign  trade,  so  precipitately 
cut  off  by  adverse  national  legislation,  reopened 
on  fair  and  equitable  terms  for  our  surplus  agri- 
culture and  manufacturing  products. 

''  Public  confidence  must  be  resumed  and  the 
skill,  energy  and  the  capital  of  our  country  find 
ample  employment  at  home.  The  government 
of  the  United  States  must  raise  money  enough 
to  meet  both  its  current  expenses  and  increasing 
needs.  Its  revenues  should  be  so  raised  as  to 
protect  the  material  interests  of  our  people,  with 
the  lightest  possible  drain  upon  their  resources 
and  maintaining  that  high  standard  of  civiliza- 
tion which  has  distinguished  our  country  for 
more  than  a  century  of  its  existence. 

^'  The  national  credit,  which  has  thus  far  for- 
tunately resisted  every  assault  upon  it  must  and 
will  be  upheld  and  strengthened.  If  sufficient 
revenues  are  provided  for  the  support  of  the  gov- 
ernment there  will  be  no  necessity  for  borrowing 
money  and  increasing  the  public  debt.^^ 


McKINLEY  AND  ROOSEVELT  NOTIFIED.         195 

Has  Kept  the  Pledges. 

Three  and  oue-half  years  of  legislation  and 
administration  have  been  concluded  since  these 
words  were  spoken.  Have  those  to  whom  was 
confided  the  direction  of  the  government  kept 
their  pledges?  The  record  is  made  up.  The 
people  are  not  unfamiliar  with  what  has  been  ac- 
complished. The  gold  standard  has  been  re- 
afGrmed  and  strengthened.  The  endless  chain 
has  been  broken  and  the  drain  upon  our  gold 
reserve  no  longer  frets  us.  The  credit  of  the 
country  has  been  advanced  to  the  highest  place 
among  all  nations. 

We  are  refunding  our  bonded  debt  bearing 
three  and  four  and  five  per  cent,  interest  at  two 
per  cent,  a  lower  rate  than  that  of  any  other 
country,  and  already  more  than  three  hundred 
millions  have  been  so  funded,  with  a  gain  to 
the  government  of  many  millions  of  dollars. 
Instead  of  1 6  to  i,  for  which  our  opponents  con- 
tended four  years  ago,  legislation  has  been  enacted 
which,  while  utilizing  all  forms  of  our  money, 
secures  one  fixed  value  for  every  dollar,  and  that 
the  best  known  to  the  civilized  world. 

A  tariff  which  protects  American  labor  and  in- 
dustry and  provides  ample  revenues  has  been 
written  in  public  law.  We  have  lower  interest 
and  higher  wages,  more  money  and  fewer  mort- 
gages.    The  world's  markets  have  been  opened 


196       McKINLEY  AND  ROOSEVELT   NOTIFIED. 

to  American  products,  whicH  go  now  where  tliej 
have  never  gone  before.  We  have  passed  from 
a  bond-issuing  to  a  bond-paying  nation ;  from  a 
nation  of  borrowers  to  a  nation  of  lenders ;  from 
a  deficiency  in  revenue  to  a  surplus ;  from  fear 
to  confidence  ;  from  enforced  idleness  to  profitable 
employment.  The  public  faith  has  been  upheld, 
public  order  has  been  maintained.  We  have 
prosperity  at  home  and  prestige  abroad. 

Unfortunately,  the  threat  of  1896  has  just 
been  renewed  by  the  allied  parties  without  abate- 
ment or  modification.  The  gold  bill  has  been 
denounced  and  its  repeal  demanded.  The  menace 
of  16  to  I,  therefore,  still  hangs  over  us  with  all 
its  dire -consequences  to  credit  and  confidence,  to 
business  and  industry.  The  enemies  of  sound 
currency  are  rallying  their  scattered  forces.  The 
people  must  once  more  unite  and  overcome  the 
advocates  of  repudiation  and  must  not  relax  their 
energy  until  the  battle  for  public  honor  and 
honest  money  shall  again  triumph. 

Democrats  Condemn  Tariff. 

A  Congress  which  will  sustain  and  if  need  be 
strengthen  the  present  law  can  prevent  a  finan- 
cial catastrophe  which  every  lover  of  the  re- 
public is  interested  to  avert. 

Not  satisfied  with  assaulting  the  currency  and 
credit  of  the  government,   our   political   adver- 


McKINLEY  AND  KOOSEVELT  NOTIFIED.        197 

saries  condemn  the  tariff  law  enacted  at  the  extra 
session  of  Congress  in  1897,  known  as  the  Ding- 
ley  Act,  passed  in  obedience  to  the  will  of  the 
people  expressed  at  the  election  in  the  preceding 
November,  a  law  which  at  once  stimulated  our 
industries,  opened  the  idle  factories  and  mines 
and  gave  to  the  laborer  and  to  the  farmer  fair  re- 
turns for  their  toil  and  investment.  Shall  we  go 
back  to  a  tariff  which  brings  deficiency  in  our 
revenues  and  destruction  to  our  industrial  enter- 
prises ? 

Faithful  to  its  pledges  in  these  internal  affairs, 
how  has  the  government  discharged  its  inter- 
national duties  ? 

Our  platform  of  1896  declared  ''  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States 
and  no  foreign  power  should  be  permitted  to  in- 
terfere with  them." 

This  purpose  has  been  fully  accomplished  by 
annexation,  and  delegates  from  those  beautiful 
islands  have  participated  in  the  convention  for 
which  you  speak  to-day.  In  the  great  confer- 
ence of  nations  at  The  Hague  we  reafiirmed 
before  the  world  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  our 
adherence  to  it  and  our  determination  not  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  complications  of  Europe.  We 
h<v:Q  happily  ended  the  European  alliance  in 
Samoa,  securing  to  ourselves  one  of  the  most 
valuable  harbors  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  while  the 


198        McKINLEY  AND  EOOSEVELT   NOTIFIED. 

Open  door  in  China  gives  to  us  fair  and  equal 
competition  in  the  vast  trade  of  the  Orient. 
Some  things  have  happened  which  were  not 
promised,  nor  even  foreseen,  and  our  purposes  in 
relation  to  them  must  not  be  left  in  doubt. 

Our  Island  Possessions. 

A  just  war  has  been  waged  for  humanity  and 
with  it  have  come  new  problems  and  responsi- 
bilities. Spain  has  been  ejected  from  the  West- 
ern Hemisphere  and  our  flag  floats  over  her 
former  territory.  Cuba  has  been  liberated  and 
our  guarantees  to  her  people  will  be  sacredly 
executed.  A  beneficent  government  has  been 
provided  for  Porto  Rico.  The  Philippines  are 
ours  and  American  authority  must  be  supreme 
throughout  the  archipelago.  There  will  be  am- 
nesty broad  and  liberal,  but  no  abatement,  of  our 
rights,  no  abandonment  of  our  duty.  There 
must  be  no  scuttle  policy. 

We  will  fulfill  in  the  Philippines  the  obliga- 
tions imposed  by  the  triumphs  of  our  arms  and 
by  the  treaty  of  peace ;  by  international  law,  by 
the  nation's  sense  of  honor,  and,  more  than  all, 
by  the  rights,  interests  and  conditions  of  the 
Philippine  people  themselves.  No  outside  inter- 
ference blocks  the  way  to  peace  and  a  stable  gov- 
ernment. The  obstructionists  are  here,  not  else- 
where.    They  may  postpone,  but  they  cannot 


Mckinley  and  roosevelt  notified.      199 

defeat  the  realization  of  the  high  purposes  of  this 
nation  to  restore  order  to  the  islands  and  to 
establish  a  just  and  generous  government,  in 
which  the  inhabitants  shall  have  the  largest  par- 
ticipation for  which  they  are  capable. 

The  organized  forces  which  have  been  misled 
into  rebellion  have  been  dispersed  by  our  faithful 
soldiers  and  sailors  and  the  people  of  the  islands, 
delivered  from  anarchy,  pillage  and  oppression, 
recognize  American  sovereignty  as  the  symbol 
and  pledge  of  peace,  justice,  law,  religious  free- 
dom, education,  the  security  of  life  and  property 
and  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  their  several 
communities. 

Principle  Reasserted. 

We  re-assert  the  early  principle  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  sustained  by  unbroken  judicial  pre- 
cedents, that  the  representatives  of  the  people  in 
Congress  assembled  have  full  legislative  power 
over  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States 
subject  to  the  fundamental  safeguards  of  liberty, 
justice  and  personal  rights,  and  are  vested  with 
ample  authority  to  act  ''  for  the  highest  interests 
of  our  nation  and  the  people  entrusted  to  its 
care."  The  doctrine,  first  proclaimed  in  the 
cause  of  freedom,  will  never  be  used  as  a  weapon 
for  oppression.  I  am  glad  to  be  assured  by  you 
that  what  we  have  done  in  the  Far  East  has  the 
approval  of  the  country. 


2G0      Mckinley  and  koosevelt  notified. 

The  sudden  and  terrible  crisis  in  CWna  calls 
for  tlie  gravest  consideration,  and  you  will  not 
expect  from  me  now  any  further  expression  than 
to  say  that  my  best  efforts  shall  be  given  to  the 
immediate  purpose  of  protecting  the  lives  of  our 
citizens  who  are  in  peril,  with  the  ultimate  object 
of  the  peace  and  welfare  of  China,  the  safeguard- 
ing of  all  our  treaty  rights  and  the  maintenance 
of  those  principles  of  impartial  intercourse  to 
which  the  civilized  world  is  pledged.  I  cannot 
conclude  without  congratulating  my  countrymen 
upon  the  strong  national  sentiment  which  finds 
expression  in  every  part  of  our  common  country 
and  the  increased  respect  with  which  the  Ameri- 
can name  is  greeted  throughout  the  world, 

Moving  in  Untried  Paths. 

We  have  been  moving  in  untried  paths,  but 
our  steps  have  been  guided  by  honor  and  duty. 
There  will  be  no  turning  aside,  no  wavering,  no 
retreat.  No  blow  has  been  struck  except  for  lib- 
erty and  humanity  and  none  will  be.  We  will 
perform  without  fear  every  national  and  interna- 
tional obligation. 

The  Republican  party  was  dedicated  to  freedom 
forty-four  years  ago.  It  has  been  the  party  of 
liberty  and  emancipation  from  that  hour ;  not  of 
profession,  but  of  performance.  It  broke  the 
shackles  of  4,000,000  slaves  and  made  them  free. 


McKINLEY  AND  ROOSEVELT  NOTIFIED.        201 

and  to  the  party  of  Lincoln  has  come  another 
supreme  opportunity  which  it  has  bravely  met  in 
the  liberation  of  10,000,000  of  the  human  family 
from  the  yoke  of  imperialism.  In  its  solution  of 
great  problems,  in  its  performance  of  high 
duties,  it  has  had  the  support  of  members  of  all 
parties  in  the  past  and  confidently  invokes  their 
co-operation  in  the  future. 

Permit  me  to  express,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  most 
sincere  appreciation  of  the  complimentary  terms 
in  which  you  convey  the  official  notice  of  my 
nomination,  and  my  thanks  to  the  members  of 
the  committee  and  to  the  great  constituency 
which  you  represent  for  this  additional  evidence 
of  their  favor  and  support. 

ROOSEVELT  NOTIFIED  OP  HIS  NOMINATION. 

Governor  Roosevelt  was  officially  notified 
of  his  nomination  for  the  Vice  Presidency  at 
his  country  home.  Sagamore,  near  Oyster  Bay. 
Shortly  after  12  o'clock  Senator  Wolcott  called 
the  committee  to  the  porch.  There  in  the  cool 
shade  of  the  awnings  and  vines  he  read  the  formal 
notification  in  his  clear  and  resonant  voice. 

When  Senator  Wolcott  concluded  Governor 
Roosevelt  stepped  a  pace  forward  and  replied. 
His  voice  was  clear  and  firm,  and  as  he  proceeded 
there  were  numerous  interruptions  of  applause. 
He  said : 


202     Mckinley  and  Roosevelt  notified. 

Mr.  Chairman  : — I  accept  the  honor  conferred 
upon  me  with  the  keenest  and  deepest  apprecia- 
tion of  what  it  means,  and  above  all  of  the  res- 
ponsibility that  goes  with  it.  Everything  that  it 
is  in  my  power  to  do  will  be  done  to  secure  the 
re-election  of  President  McKinley,  to  whom  it 
has  been  given  in  this  crisis  of  the  national  his- 
tory to  stand  for  and  embody  the  principles  which 
lie  closest  to  the  heart  of  every  American  worthy 
of  the  name. 

This  is  very  much  more  than  a  mere  party 
contest.  We  stand  at  the  parting  of  the  ways, 
and  the  people  have  now  to  decide  whether  they 
shall  go  forward  along  the  path  of  prosperity  and 
high  honor  abroad,  or  whether  they  will  turn  their 
backs  upon  what  has  been  done  during  the  past 
three  years ;  whether  they  will  plunge  this  coun- 
try into  an  abyss  of  misery  and  disaster,  or  what 
is  worse  than  even  misery  and  disaster — shame. 

Stands  on  the  Record. 

I  feel  that  we  have  a  right  to  appeal  not  merely 
to  Republicans,  but  to  all  good  citizens,  no  matter 
what  may  have  been  their  party  affiliations  in  the 
past,  and  to  ask  them  on  the  strength  of  the  re- 
cord that  President  McKinley  has  made  during 
the  past  three  years,  and  on  the  strength  of  the 
threat  implied  in  what  was  done  at  Kansas  City 
a  few  days  ago,  to  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder 


Mckinley  and  roosevelt  notified.      203 

witli  us,  perpetuating  tlie  conditions  under  which 
we  have  reached  a  degree  of  prosperity  never  be- 
fore attained  in  the  nation's  history  and  under 
which,  abroad,  we  have  put  the  American  flag  on 
a  level  which  it  never  before  in  the  history  of  the 
country  has  been  placed. 

For  these  reasons  I  feel  we  have  a  right  to  look 
forward  with  confident  expectation  to  what  the 
verdict  of  the  people  will  be  next  November,  and 
to  ask  all  men  to  whom  the  well  being  of  the 
country  and  the  honor  of  the  national  name  are 
dear,  to  stand  with  us  as  we  fight  for  prosperity 
at  home  and  the  honor  of  the  flag  abroad. 

Honored  by  His  Party. 

A  round  of  applause  broke  out  as  the  Governor 
concluded,  but  he  checked  it  instantly  by  saying  : 

*'  Gentlemen,  one  moment,  please.  Here,  Ned," 
he  cried  to  Senator  Wolcott,  "  this  is  not  to  the 
national  committee,  but  I  want  to  say  this  to  my 
friends.  Friends  of  my  own  state  who  are  here, 
just  let  me  say  how  I  appreciate  seeing  so  many 
of  you  here  to-day.  I  want  to  say  I  am  more 
than  honored  and  pleased  at  having  been  made  a 
candidate  for  Vice  President  on  the  national 
ticket,  but  you  cannot  imagine  how  badly  I  feel 
at  leaving  the  men  with  whom  I  have  endeavored 
and  worked  for  civic  decency  and  righteousness 
and  honesty  in  New  York.'^ 


Hon.  WILLIAM  J.  BRYAN: 


Nominee  of  the  Democratic  Party  for  President. 


IN  July,  1900,  the  youngest  man  ever  nominated 
for  the  Presidency  by  any  influential  party 
received  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  the  National 
Democratic  Convention  at  Kansas  City.  History 
in  this  instance  repeated  itself,  as  Mr.  Bryan  re- 
ceived the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  at  Chicago 
in  1896.  At  that  time  it  was  his  advocacy  of  sil- 
ver coinage  which  turned  the  thought  of  the  Con- 
vention toward  him,  and  secured  for  him  the  proud 
position  of  the  leader  of  the  Democracy. 

The  canvass  in  1896  was  an  exceedingly  warm 
one,  and  Mr.  Bryan  showed  remarkable  powers  of 
endurance,  as  well  as  unusual  ability,  throughout 
that  exciting  campaign.  He  was  positive,  untir- 
ing, and  able  to  command  large  audiences  to  hear 
his  speeches. 

Mr.  Bryan  was  born  in  Salem,  Marion  County, 

111.,  on  March  19,  1860.     At  the  age  of  fifteen  he 

entered   Whipple   Academy   at   Jacksonville ;    in 

1877    he  entered  Illinois  College,  and   graduated 

valedictorian  in  1881.     For   the  next  two   years 

he    attended    the  Union   Law   College,    Chicago, 

*1 


2*  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

studying  in  the  office  of  Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull. 
After  graduation  he  began  practice  at  Jackson- 
ville. 

In    1887    he   removed   to    Lincoln,    Neb.,  and 


WILLIAM   J.    BRYAN. 


became  a  member  of  the  law  firm  of  Talbot  &  Bryan. 
He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  the  First  Nebraska 
District  in  1890,  over  W.  J.  Connell,  of  Omaha,  and 
was   re-elected  in  1892  over  Allen   W.  Field,  of 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  *3 

Lincoln.  In  1894  Mr.  Bryan  declined  a  third 
nomination,  and  was  nominated  by  the  Dem- 
ocratic State  Convention  for  the  United  States 
Senate  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  Convention. 
The  Republicans,  however,  had  a  majority  in  the 
Legislature,  and  Bryan  was  defeated  for  the 
Senatorship.  Since  Mr.  Bryan's  Congressional 
term  expired  he  has  given  his  time  exclusively  to 
spreading  the  doctrine  of  free  silver. 

He  first  appeared  in  the  political  arena  ^f 
Nebraska  m  the  campaign  of  1888,  when  he 
stumped  the  First  District  for  J.  Sterling  Morton, 
nominee  for  Congress.  The  same  year  he  declined 
a  nomination  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  On  July 
30,  1890,  he  was  nominated  for  Congress,  and 
wrote  a  platform  on  which  he  ran.  Nobody  but 
himself  thought  he  could  be  elected.  He  stumped 
the  district  on  the  tariflp  issue,  and  won  fame  as  a 
political  orator  throughout  the  State.  This  beauti- 
ful language  has  been  used  by  an  admirer  to 
describe  his  graces  as  an  orator : 

Bryan  the  Orator. 

"  Bryan  neglects  none  of  the  accessories  of 
oratory.  Nature  richly  dowered  him  with  rare 
grace.  He  is  happy  in  attitude  and  pose.  His 
gestures  are  on  Hogarth's  line  of  beauty.  Melli- 
flaous  is  the  word  that  most  aptly  describes  his 
v^oice.     It  is   strong  enough  to  be  heard  by  thou- 


4^  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

sands;  it  is  sweet  enough  to  charm  those  least 
inclined  to  music.  It  is  so  modulated  as  not  to 
vex  the  ear  with  monotony,  and  can  be  stern  or 
pathetic,  fierce  or  gentle,  serious  or  humorous  with 
the  varying  emotions  of  its  master. 

"  In  his  youth  Bryan  must  have  had  a  skillful 
teacher  in  elocution,  and  must  have  been  a  decile 
pupil.  He  enriches  his  speeches  with  illustrations 
from  the  classics  or  from  the  common  occurrences 
of  every-day  life  with  equal  felicity  and  facility 
Some  passages  from  his  orations  are  gems,  and  arc 
being  used  as  declamations  by  boys  at  school. 
But  his  crowning  gift  as  an  orator  is  his  evident 
sincerity.  He  is  candor  incarnate,  and  thoroughly 
believes  what  he  says  himself." 

His  Home  and  Family. 

Mr.  Bryan  lives  well  in  a  commodious  dwelling 
in  the  fashionable  part  of  Lincoln.  His  family 
consists  of  Mrs.  Bryan  and  their  three  children,  all 
of  whom  are  bright  and  pleasing.  The  study,  in 
which  both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bryan  have  desks,  is  a 
very  attractive  room.  It  is  filled  with  books, 
statuary  and  mementoes  of  campaigns.  There 
are  busts  or  portraits  of  noted  men,  and  there 
are  two  butcher  knives  which  Mr.  Bryan  used  in 
the  campaign  with  Field  to  refute  the  latter's 
boast  of  the  effects  of  high  protection. 

In  1895  Mr.  Bryan  was  asked  if  he  had  any 


WTUJAM   C«   WHITNEY 


ARTHUR   P.    GORMAN 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  *5 

aspirations  looking  to  the  White  House,  and  he 
said :  "  No ;  I  have  no  wish  to  be  a  Presidential 
candidate,  neither  now  nor  in  the  years  to  come. 
My  whole  thought  now  is  centred  on  my  family 
and  my  profession,  so  far  as  my  personal  desires  go. 
I  was  brought  up  in  the  country,  and  I  wish  my 
children  to  have  some  of  the  same  rearing.  They 
are  now  of  the  age  when  they  need  a  father's  care, 
and  I  wish  to  get  into  practice  again,  for  I  very 
much  enjoy  the  law,  which  has  been  necessarily 
abandoned  during  my  four  years  in  Washington." 

The  Populists  Like  Him. 

This  is  the  way  an  admirer  of  Bryan  describes 
one  of  his  triumphs  : 

"It  was  Mr.  Bryan  who  achieved  the  g;  latest 
triumph  within  his  party  when,  in  the  State  Con- 
vention in  1894,  by  com  mo  r.  consent  he  took 
the  leadership.  It  was  he  who  advised  his  fol- 
lowers to  indorse  the  candidacy  of  Silas  A.  Hol- 
comb,  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  Populists 
of  Nebraska  for  the  office  of  Governor.  It  was 
also  upon  Mr.  Bryan's  recommendation  that  the 
same  convention  indorsed  the  candidacy  of  other 
men  on  the  Populist  ticket. 

"What  he  did  then  gave  Nebraska  the  first 
Populist  Governor  and  worked  the  defeat  of 
the  Republicans,  the  sole  object  sought  by  Mr. 
Bryan  and  his  followers.     The  consistent  course 


6*  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

of  Mr.  Bryan  as  a  silver  advocate,  and  the  kindly 
feeling  he  has  all  along,  as  a  Democrat,  evinced 
for  the  Populists  of  Nebraska,  have  made  him 
many  friends  in  the  Populist  Party  throughout 
the  West.  He  will,  more  than  any  other  Western 
man,  draw  support  from  the  Populist  organization." 

His  Populistic  Leaning. 

The  following  extracts  from  speeches  of  Mr. 
Bryan  show  how  close  his  approach  is  to  Populism 
of  the  most  pronounced  kind  : 

"The  gentlemen  who  are  so  fearful  of  socialism 
when  the  poor  are  exempted  from  an  income  tax, 
view  with  indifference  those  methods  of  taxation 
which  give  the  rich  a  substantial  exemption.  They 
weep  more  because  $15,000,000  are  to  be  collected 
from  the  incomes  of  the  rich  than  they  do  at  the 
collection  of  |300,000,000  upon  the  goods  which 
the  poor  consume.  And  when  an  attempt  is  made 
to  equalize  these  burdens,  not  fully,  but  partially 
only,  the  people  of  the  South  and  West  are  called 
Anarchists.  I  deny  the  accusation,  sir.  It  is 
among  the  peojole  of  the  South  and  West,  on  the 
prairies  and  on  the  mountains,  that  you  find  the 
staunchest  suj)porters  of  government  and  the  best 
friends  of  law  and  order. 

"  You  may  not  find  among  these  people  the 
great  fortunes  which  are  accumulated  in  cities, 
nor  will  you  find  the  dark  shadows  which  these 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  *7 

fortunes  throw  over  the  community,  but  you  will 
find  those  willing  to  protect  the  rights  of  property, 
even  while  they  demand  that  property  shall  bear 
its  share  of  taxation.  You  may  not  find  among 
them  as  much  of  wealth,  but  you  will  find  men 
who  are  not  only  willing  to  pay  their  taxes  in 
support  of  the  Government,  but  are  willing  when- 
ever necessary  to  offer  up  their  lives  in  its  defense. 
These  people,  sir,  whom  you  call  Anarchists  because 
they  ask  that  the  burdens  of  government  shall  be 
equally  borne,  these  people  have  ever  borne  the 
cross  on  Calvary  and  saved  their  country  with  their 
blood." 

Two  Additional  Gems. 

"  The  poor  man  who  takes  property  by  force," 
Bryan  said  in  one  of  his  silver-tongued  deliverances, 
"is  called  a  thief,  but  the  creditor  who  can  by  legisla- 
tion make  a  debtor  pay  a  dollar  twice  as  large  as  he 
borrowed  is  lauded  as  the  friend  of  sound  currency. 
The  man  who  wants  people  to  destroy  the  Govern- 
ment is  an  Anarchist,  but  the  man  who  wants  the 
Government  to  destroy  the  people  is  a  patriot." 

"  I  may  be  in  error,"  said  Bryan  on  another  occa- 
sion, "but  in  my  humble  judgment  he  who  would 
rob  man  of  his  necessary  food  or  pollute  the 
springs  at  which  he  quenches  his  thirst,  <Dr  steal 
away  from  him  his  accustomed  rest,  or  condemn 
his  mind  to  the  gloomy  night  of  ignorance,  is  no 
more  an  enemy  of  his  race  than  the  man  who,  deal 


8"^  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

to  the  entreaties  of  the  poor  and  blind  to  the 
suffering  he  would  cause,  seeks  to  destroy  one  of 
the  money  metals  given  by  the  Almighty  to  supply 
the  needs  of  commerce." 

Several  Thoughts  Mirrored. 

Bryan's  thoughts  are  mirrored  in  the  following 
signed  dispatches  sent  out  by  him  before  his  name 
was  presented  at  Chicago  : 

"  There  was  a  time  when  President  Cleveland 
had  to  face  the  question  of  turning  either  to  the 
Plutocracy  or  to  the  Democracy.  Had  he  been  a 
Jackson  or  a  Jefferson  he  would  have  turned  to  the 
common  people,  and  there  would  have  been  no  need 
of  the  Convention  hereto-day  to  repudiate  his  policy. 

"  Those  who  have  been  heretofore  recognized  as 
Democrats  and  who  do  not  wish  to  stand  with  us 
in  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  Chicago 
platform  must  find  a  location  for  themselves. 

"I  have  but  little  doubt  that  the  gold 
Democrats  and  all  who  choose  to  follow  them  will 
have  a  ticket  of  their  own,  and  will  insist  that 
they  are  the  Democratic  Party.  They  think  the 
silver  sentiment  a  craze,  and  that  it  is  going  to 
blow  over,  but  they  are  mistaken. 

"  That  makes  me  think  of  a  story.  Out  in  the 
Northwest,  where  the  wind  is  high,  the  fences  are 
sometimes  blown  down  and  sometimes  the  houses 
are  blown  over.     A  man  was  going  along  one  day 


THE  DEMOCKATIC  PARTY.  *9 

and  found  another  building  a  fence.  He  was  put- 
ting it  up  solidly,  with  mortar  and  stone.  The 
man  said ;  '  You  are  putting  a  good  deal  of  time 
on  that  fence.  Don't  you  think  it  will  blow  over  ?' 
And  the  man  who  was  building  the  fence  replied  : 
'  That  is  just  the  way  I  am  building  it.  It  is  five 
feet  wide  and  four  feet  high,  and  when  it  blows 
over  it  will  be  one  foot  higher  than  it  is  now.' 
That  is  the  way  they  are  building  this  silver 
craze.  It  is  wider  than  it  is  high,  and  when  it  does 
blow  over  it  will  be  higher  than  it  is  now. 

"  I  am  not  a  believer  in  either  free  silver  or  gold, 
but  am  an  out-and-out  bimetallist.  It  is  clearly 
apparent  to  me  that  financial  stringency  does  not 
hinge  on  the  amount  of  money  in  circulation,  but 
rather  on  the  influences  that  control  circulation. 
The  very  best  times  we  ever  had  occurred  when 
there  was  a  very  low  rate  of  money  per  capita  in 
circulation.'* 

As  to  the  Farmer. 

"  We  have  already  suffered  grievously  because 
of  the  fall  in  prices.  The  last  census  shows  a 
decrease  in  the  proportion  of  farm  owners,  and  an 
increase  in  the  proportion  of  farm  tenaiits.  It 
also  shows  a  farm  mortgage  debt  which  is  truly 
alarming.  The  continued  appreciation  of  gold — 
that  is,  the  continual  fall  in  prices — increases  the 
number  of  tenants  and  makes  harder  every  year 
the  life  of  the  farmer. 


10*  THE  DEMOUKATIC  PARTY. 

"  He  who  aids  in  increasing  landlordism  in  this 
country  hastens  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic, 
for  free  government  will  not  long  survive  when  a 
few  own  the  land  and  means  of  support,  while  the 
many  are  tenants  at  will.  No  one  would  dare  to 
propose  a  law  increasing  the  number  of  dollars 
to  be  paid  by  a  debtor.  To  increase  the  size 
of  the  dollar  by  legislation  has  exactly  the  same 
effect. 

"  That  dollar  will  soon  cease  to  be  called  honest, 
which  grows  fatter  every  day.  Tariff  reform  grew 
strong  in  the  West  and  South,  while  it  was 
rejected  as  a  heresy  in  the  East.  It  took  years  of 
struggle  to  carry  the  cause  of  tariff  reform  across 
the  Alleghenies,  but  the  principle  conquered  in 
time. 

"  The  protective  policy  was  never  as  disastrous 
to  the  agricultural  classes  as  a  gold  standard  would 
be,  for,  while  protection  lessened  the  stream,  gold 
monometallism  would  dry  up  the  very  fountain  of 
prosperity. 

"  The  friends  of  the  '  gold  and  silver  coinage  of 
the  Constitution '  need  not  be  discouraged.  Strong 
in  the  all-conquering  might  of  right,  their  prin- 
ciples will  triumph,  and  that  triumph  will  be 
signalized  by  a  return  of  prosperity  to  the  great 
masses  of  our  people.  '  Tariff  reform '  and  '  the 
coinage  of  the  Constitution '  will  remain  the  two 
great  issues  until  secured." 


THE  DEMOCKATIC  PAKTY.  *11 

A  Giant  Among  Giants. 

In  1890,  when  only  30  years  of  age,  Bryan  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  House  from  the  First  Dis- 
trict of  Nebraska,  where  he  located  immediately 
after  his  admission  to  the  bar.  During  the  con- 
sideration of  the  single  tariff  bills,  which  were 
brought  to  the  House  during  the  first  session  of 
that  Congress,  Mr.  Bryan  electrified  his  colleagues 
by  the  force  and  vigor  of  his  utterances,  his 
ntimate  knowledge  of  economic  matters,  the  grace- 
fulness of  his  oratory  and  his  ability  to  sustain 
Mmself  with  credit  against  the  ablest  debaters  upon 
the  Republican  side  of  the  chamber.  His  time,  on 
that  occasion,  was  repeatedly  extended^  and  he 
^poke  in  all  several  hours. 

He  awoke  the  next  morning  to  find  himself 
famous.  Nor  was  it  an  ephemeral  fame.  He 
became  from  that  day  a  conspicuous  figure  in  a 
House  which  included  such  giants  of  debate  as 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky ;  Bourke  Cockran,  and 
John  R.  Fellows,  of  New  York;  Dingley  and 
Reed,  of  Maine ;  Springer,  of  Illinois ;  Lodge,  of 
Massachusetts ;  Gates,  of  Alabama,  and  William 
L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia,  who  afterward  held 
the  office  of  Postmaster-General. 

Wife  of  tiie  Nominee. 

One  of  the  wom^n  most  talked  about  in  all  sec- 
tions of  the  country  to-day  is  Mrs.  WiHiam  Jen- 


12*  THE  DEMOCKATIC  PARTY. 

nings  Bryan,  wife  of  the  Democratic  nominee  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  People  who  have 
seen  and  know  Mrs,  Bryan  think  she  is  more  than 
a  wife  to  the  Democratic  standard-bearer.  They 
regard  her  as  his  adviser,  assistant,  companion  and 
friend — a  woman  of  extraordinary  intellectual  abil- 
ity, strong  in  character,  feminine  withal  and  a  lov- 
ing mother. 

Mrs.  Bryan's  head  is  the  most  noticeable  thing 
about  her.  It  is  very  shapely,  and  the  heavy  dark 
brown  hair  is  always  brushed  smoothly  back  frot 
a  very  hi;jh,  full  forehead.  The  hair  is  thick,  soft 
and  fine,  and  simply  coiled  into  a  mass  on  top  d 
the  head.  Mrs.  Bryan  isn't  pretty  nor  handsome, 
but  she  has  a  strikingly  intelligent  and  strong  face. 
The  eyes  are  dark  and  large  and  expressive.  The 
nose  is  large  with  good  width  between  the  eyes. 
The  mouth  and  chin  might  almost  ha.ve  been  cast 
in  the  same  mould  as  Bryan's  own,  so  striking  is 
the  resemblance  in  firmness  and  determination. 

Mrs.  Bryan  would  sacrifice  and  endure  anything 
once  she  had  made  up  her  mind  that  a  thing  was 
right.  She  has  ideals  and  will  consider  her  hus- 
band's nomination  as  righteous  and  a  step  toward 
what  the  Bryans  maintain  is  the  correction  of  the 
wrongs  of  the  masses  of  the  people.  She  has  a 
sweet  and  well-trained  voice  in  talking,  and  the 
men  and  women  who  penetrate  her  reserve,  appre- 
ciate her  honesty  of  purpose  and  sincerity.     She 


HON.     J.     B.     RICHARDSON 

DEMOCRATIC   LEADER    IN    THE   H     USE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES 


COPYRIGHT,    1899,    BY    ROCKWOOD,    N.  Y, 

RICHARD    CROKER 

Vy&UL   KNOWN    DEMOCRATIC  LEAD^f^ 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  "^^^ 

despises  shams  of  every  kind,  and,  above  all,  is 
natural  and  unaffected. 

It  would  require  more  than  the  possibility  of 
ruling  in  the  White  Hous^e  to  turn  this  woman's 
head.  With  all  this  Mrs.  Bryan  is  not  at  all  as- 
sertive. She  might  elect  to  run  White  House  affairs 
according  to  her  own  ideas  and  not  after  the  man 
ner  of  so-called  official  society,  but  no  one  who 
came  in  contact  with  her  could  help  respecting  her 
and  in  time  admiring  her  character. 

Bryan  and  all  his  friends  admit  the  wife  has 
held  up  the  hands  of  her  husband  more  than  effec- 
tively, and  Bryan  himself  takes  no  praise  that 
does  not  include  his  wife.  Briefly,  she  is  a  pale- 
faced,  intellectual  slip  of  a  woman.  She  has  an 
immense  amount  of  determination  and  silent  ag- 
gressiveness, is  rather  studious  and  very  reserved. 
She  does  not  care  for  fashion  or  society,  and  pays 
no  attention  whatever  to  either. 

Before  her  marriage  to  Bryan  she  was  Mary 
Baird.  They  first  met  and  loved  in  Illinois.  When 
they  were  married  and  went  to  Nebraska  to  live 
the  husband  studied  law.  So  did  Mrs.  Bryan,  and 
they  studied  together.  Then  Bryan  found  himself 
getting  into  politics,  but  Mrs.  Bryan  kept  on  with 
her  law  studies,  took  her  examinations  and  was 
admitted  to  practice.  All  this  was  done  that  she 
might  work  with  and  help  her  husband. 

In  this  connection  Mrs.  Bryan  said :  ''  It  amused 


14"^  THE  DEMOCKATIC  PABTY. 

me  after  I  was  graduated  to  see  the  women  in  our 
town.  Of  course  it  was  then  a  little  unusual  for  a 
woman  to  be  admitted  to  practice.  My  friends 
called  in  numbers  on  me,  and  it  was  queer  to  see 
how  they  manoeuvred  to  approach  the  subject. 
About  half  of  them  finally  got  to  it,  but  one  and 
all  seemed  to  think  that  I  was  a  bigger  curiosity 
than  a  mummy." 

Mrs.  Bryan  can  be  very  sarcastic  when  suffi- 
ciently roused,  and  at  any  time  will  say  droll  witty 
things  with  only  a  gleam  of  a  smile  in  her  dark  eyes. 

She  is  the  mother  of  three  children,  and  is  very 
domestic  in  her  inclinations.  When  it  was  dis- 
covered that  she  was  a  lawyer,  a  Congressman  who 
meant  to  be  very  agreeable  inquired  of  her  with 
what  line  of  law  she  was  most  familiar. 

Mrs.  Bryan's  quick  answer  was  :  ''  Domestic  re- 
lations, sir." 

Attention  was  first  drawn  to  Mrs.  Bryan  at  the 
time  Bryan  made  his  famous  tariff  speech  in  the 
House.  Inside  of  a  few  hours,  in  the  midst  of  the 
adulation  he  was  receiving,  Bryan  generously  de- 
clared that  his  wife  deserved  a  share  in  the  praise. 
A  week  before  the  big  speech  was  made  Bryan 
had  delivered  a  eulogy  on  a  dead  colleague.  Mrs. 
Bryan  then,  unknown  even  to  her  husband's  col- 
leagues, sat  in  the  gallery  and  carefully  noted  the 
volume  of  tone  required  by  Bryan  to  fill  the  hall. 
Anything  more  deliberate  could  hardly  be  con- 


THE  DEMOCKATIC  PARTY.  "^^^ 

ceived.  By  means  of  signals  the  husband  on  the 
floor  and  the  wife  in  the  gallery  communicated, 
and  he  increased  or  lowered  his  voice  at  her  sug- 
gestion until  she  had  satisfied  herself  that  he  had 
struck  the  most  effective  tone. 

When  Bryan  began  his  speech  his  wife  was  in 
the  gallery.  At  first  he  held  a  low  voice.  Mrs. 
Bryan  nodded  for  fuller  tones.  Her  eyes  never 
left  his  face  except  to  study  the  effect  some  sen- 
tence might  have  on  the  House.  From  time  to 
time  Bryan  glanced  for  encouragement  at  the  pale 
face  of  the  woman  in  the  gallery,  and  when  it  was 
over  there  was  one  quick  glance  of  intelligence ; 
both  knew  that  their  work  had  been  well  done, 
and  the  woman  sank  back  in  her  seat  almost  over- 
come by  the  intensity  of  her  satisfaction  and  relief. 

Referring  to  the  Democratic  ideas  of  the  Bryans, 
a  popular  writer  sajs :  "  They  went  out  very 
seldom  in  Washington,  and  then  only  on  official 
occasions.  I  never  heard  of  Mrs.  Bryan  appear- 
ing in  evening  dress  during  their  Washington  life, 
don't  think  she  ever  possessed  a  low-cut  gown,  noi* 
a  dress  with  silk  linings,  and  Bryan  surely  never 
has  owned  a  dress  suit.  They  never  attended  fash- 
ionable dinners  and  certainly  gave  none  themselves. 

"  The  Bryans  when  in  Washington  lived  in  a 
small  quiet  boarding-house  on  Capitol  Hill,  three 
blocks  from  the  Capitol  itself  There  was  a  real- 
estate  office  in  a  part  of  the  ground  floor.     During 


16*  THE   DEMOCRATIC   PARTY. 

their  stay  in  Washington  they  had  rooms  on  the 
second  floor.  Mrs.  Bryan  always  wore  the  simplest 
gray,  brown  and  black  dresses  made  in  the  plainest 
fashion.  She  wore  no  jewels  because  they  were 
living  as  economically  as  possible  and  had  no 
money  to  waste  in  such  frivolity.  Then  Mrs. 
Bryan's  tastes  did  not  run  in  that  direction." 
RESULT  OF  ELECTION. 

After  a  very  exciting  campaign  in  1896,  in 
which  all  the  resources  of  both  parties  were  put 
forth  with  unusual  energy,  Mr.  Bryan  was  de- 
feated by  Mr.  McKinley  and  the  hopes  of  the  De- 
mocracy that  had  been  centred  in  him  were  frus- 
trated. The  defeat  was  emphatic,  but  Mr.  Bryan 
refused  to  retire  from  the  field  and  continued  from 
year  to  year  to  agitate  the  questions  that  had  been 
embodied  in  the  Chicago  platform  of  1896,  which 
he  warmly  advocated,  and  on  the  merits  of  which 
the  Democracy  had  made  its  appeal  to  the  country. 

As  the  time  for  another  Presidential  election 
drew  near  it  became  evident  that  Mr.  Bryan, 
having  a  strong  hold  upon  the  Democracy, 
would  receive  the  nomination  again,  and  would  be 
the  standard  bearer  of  his  party.  It  was  felt  that 
no  abler  champion  of  Democracy  could  be  secured 
to  lead  the  opposition  to  the  Administration.  There 
being  a  general  agreement  upon  this  point,  little 
remained  to  be  done  in  the  Convention  but  to 
ratify  the  nomination  already  made  by  the  party. 


¥he  democratic  party.  17 

Most  of  Mr.  Bryan's  time  since  1896  has  been 
occupied  in  lecturing.  He  is  a  fine  orator,  his 
elocution  closely  approaching  the  pulpit  variety. 
In  the  Spanish  war  he  raised  a  regiment,  the 
Third  Nebraska,  of  which  he  was  made  Colonel. 
The  regiment,  however,  was  not  ordered  outside 
the  United  States,  and  Bryan  resigned  his 
command. 

The  Populists  nominated  him  for  President  in 
May  last.  He  has  always  been  held  in  esteem  by 
that  party,  whose  candidate  for  President  he 
stumped  for  and  voted  for  in  1892,  in  opposition 
to  President  Cleveland.  He  has  always  claimed 
that  he  did  this  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Demo- 
cratic managers,  who  felt  that  the  Populists  had  a 
better  chance  of  defeating  the  Bepublicans  in 
Nebraska  than  the  Democrats  had. 

2-D 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


OF 


Hon.  Adlai  E.  Stevenson 


Adlai  Ewing  Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  whom 
the  Democrats  nominated  for  Vice-President  at 
Kansas  City,  was  born  in  Christian  County,  Ken- 
tucky, October  23,  1835.  His  family  has  been 
distinguished  in  the  history  both  of  Virginia  and 
Kentucky.  He  received  his  early  education  in 
the  common  schools  of  Kentucky. 

The  old  saying  that  "  the  child  is  the  father  of 
the  man  "  is  fully  illustrated  in  the  case  of  Mr. 
Stevenson.  As  a  boy  he  was  studious,  thoughtful, 
with  a  high  sense  of  honor,  and  although  full  of 
life  and  animal  spirits  there  was  something  about 
him  that  attracted  attention,  and  instinctively  every 
one  felt  that  he  was  a  young  man  to  be  trusted. 

In  1852  Mr.  Stevenson's  family  moved  to 
Bloomington,  111.,  where  he  had  excellent  educa- 
tional advantages.  He  was  for  some  time  a  stu- 
dent in  the  Illinois  Wesley  an  University,  but  com- 
pleted his  education  at  Centre  College,  Danville, 
18* 


LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF  *10 

Ky.,  where  he  was  a  classmate  of  Senator  Black- 
burn. He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1858,  and 
immediately  began  the  practice  of  law  at  Meta- 
mora,  111.,  where  he  remained  until  1868.  In 
1861  he  was  appointed  Master  in  Chancery,  and 
held  the  office  for  four  years.  In  1864  he  was 
elected  District  Attorney,  which  position  he  also 
held  four  years,  at  the  end  of  his  term  moving  to 
Bloomington,  111.,  where  he  formed  a  partnership 
with  his  cousin,  Hon.  James  S.  Ewing.  The  firm 
soon  attained  the  first  rank  at  the  McLean  County 
bar,  and  enjoyed  a  very  large  and  lucrative  prac- 
tice. 

MR.  STEVENSON'S  MARRIAGE. 

Mr.  Stevenson  was  married  in  1866  to  Miss 
Letitia  Green,  daughter  of  Dr.  Lewis  W.  Green, 
an  eminent  Presbyterian  minister,  who  was  Presi- 
dent of  Centre  College,  Danville,  Ky.  In  1864 
Mr.  Stevenson  wa^  a  Presidential  Elector  on  the 
Democratic  ticket.  In  1874,  in  a  district  reliably 
Republican  by  about  3,000  majority,  he  was  nomi- 
nated for  Congress  and  defeated  the  Republican 
candidate  by  1,285  majority. 

He  was  one  of  the  first  advocates  of  Greenback- 
ism,  and  ran  as  an  Independent  on  this  issue,  which 
explains  the  great  strength  which  he  developed. 
He  was  renominated  for  C(Higress  in  1876,  but  this 
being  a  Presidential  year  the  party  lines  were 
closely  drawn,  and  he  was  beaten  by  about  250 
^^urality. 


20*  HON.    ADLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

He  was  renominated  in  1878  by  the  Greenback- 
Labor  party,  and  indorsed  by  the  Democrats, 
carrying  every  county  in  his  district,  his  own 
county,  which  in  1876  gave  Hayes  2,000  majority, 
and  in  1880  gave  Garfield  over  2,000  majority, 
casting  its  vote  for  him. 

DEFEATED  FOR  CONGRESS. 

In  1880  he  was  renominated  for  Congress. 
Although  this  was  a  presidential  year,  he  was 
beaten  by  but  little  more  than  200  votes.  Before 
the  next  election  the  State  was  redistricted  by  a 
legislature  which  had  a  Republican  majority.  On 
account  of  Mr.  Stevenson's  popularity,  he  was 
placed  in  a  district  every  county  of  which  was  Re- 
publican ;  Garfield's  majority  therein  having  been 
over  2,700. 

In  1882,  in  this  new  district,  without  a  Demo- 
cratic county  in  it,  Mr.  Stevenson  yielded  to  the 
desire  of  his  party,  and  once  more  made  the  race 
for  Congress.  He  came  within  350  votes  of  carry- 
ing his  district.  This  was  his  last  candidacy  for 
Congress.  In  the  following  election  his  old  oppo- 
nent was  re-elected  by  over  2,700  majority.  These 
elections  not  only  demonstrated  Mr.  Stevenson's 
strength  with  his  own  party,  but  his  ability  to  win 
votes  from  his  opponents  as  well. 

Before  he  had  attained  his  majority,  Mr.  Steven- 
son had  made  the  large  Irish  and  German  popula- 
tion in  his  section  his  special  friends  by  his  able 
and  eloquent  speeches,  denouncing  the  proscrip- 


BENJAMIN   R.   TII.I.MAN 


HORACE    BOIES 


LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF  "21 

tive  policy  of  the  Know-Nothiugs.  In  1884  he 
was  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention, and  after  the  election  he  was  pressed  by 
his  friends  for  the  position  of  First  Assistant 
Postmaster-General.  He  held  this  office  during 
Mr.  Cleveland's  entire  administration,  showing  a 
remarkable  energy  in  the  removal  of  Republican 
postmasters. 

After  retiring  from  the  Post-Office  Department, 
Mr.  Stevenson  returned  to  Bloomington,  his  former 
residence.  Mr.  Hayes  in  1877  appointed  him  a 
member  of  the  Board  to  inspect  the  Military 
Academy  at  West  Point.  The  Illinois  State  Con- 
vention elected  him  one  of  the  delegates-at-large 
to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  1892. 
He  was  serving  in  that  capacity  when  nominated 
for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

OVATION  TO  MR.  STEVENSON. 

Mr.  Stevenson,  during  the  Convention,  had 
been  at  the  Sherman  House;  but  about  half-past 
four  o'clock  on  the  day  of  his  n  mination,  having 
received  assurances  that  his  nomination  was  sure, 
he  repaired  to  the  Palmer  House  with  a  few  friends. 
While  there  he  learned  of  the  action  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  then  it  was  suggested  that  he  hold  an 
informal  reception,  as  there  were  numerous  dele- 
gates and  friends  from  Illinois  and  other  States 
who  were  anxious  to  congratulate  him.  Ac- 
cordingly the  party  went  to  the  Egyptian  parlor 
heretofore  devoted  to  the  use  of  the  National  Com- 


22*  HON.    ABLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

mittee,  and  a  detail  of  police  having  been  assigned 
to  duty,  the  reception  was  fairly  on. 

Surrounding  General  Stevenson  were  many 
Illinois  and  Kentucky  friends.  As  he  was  born 
in  Kentucky,  it  was  natural  that  he  should  have  a 
warm  place  in  his  heart  for  all  Kentuckians,  and 
it  is  even  said  that  it  was  because  of  this  accident 
of  birth  that  made  Colonel  Henry  Watterson  feel 
so  kindly  toward  him. 

KISSES  FEOM  PKETTY  GlELS. 

One  of  the  incidents  of  the  reception  was  the 
advent  of  four  pretty  girls  from  Bloomington,  who 
rushed  upon  the  nominee  and  kissed  him.  Mr. 
Stevenson  did  not  flinch,  but  stood  the  ordeal  man- 
fully. As  soon  as  it  became  generally  known  that 
he  was  in  the  hotel  a  steady  stream  of  people  swept 
up  from  the  lobby,  and  guided  by  the  police  detail, 
passed  into  the  parlor  and  shook  hands  with  him. 
Many  of  the  visitors  were  members  of  the  Indiana 
delegation,  and  it  was  evident  from  the  smile 
that  iUuminated  their  faces  they  were  greatly 
pleased. 

The  people  came  up  thick  and  fast,  and  during 
the  hour  and  a  half  that  Mr.  Stevenson  stood  there 
nearly  2,000  people  shook  him  by  the  hand. 
Delegate  Lyon  Karr  and  other  Illinois  delegates 
came  in  with  the  crowd  full  of  enthusiasm,  having 
resurrected  an  old  badge  used  four  years  before 
when  Stevenson  was  mentioned  for  the  office  of 
yice-President,     This  was  displayed  at  the  end  of 


LIFE    AXD    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF  *23 

an  umbrella.     It  bore  the  words,  "  For  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Adlai  E.  Stevenson/' 

Delegates  from  every  corner  of  the  United 
States  called  on  him.  Young  ladies,  with  their 
friends,  came  to  shake  his  hand.  Newspaper  men 
gathered  round  Jiim  by  the  score,  note-book  in 
hand,  waiting  for  an  interview.  He  received 
everybody  courteously,  kindly,  and  in  the  best  of 
good  humor.  Clearly  he  was  much  gratified  at 
the  outcome  of  the  Convention,  and  he  attempted 
no  concealment  of  the  fact. 

HEARTY  CONGRATULATIONS. 

His  benevolent  face  beamed  with  satisfaction  as 
his  tall  form  towered  over  the  heads  of  the  throng 
who  came  to  rejoice  with  him.  The  delegates  and 
politicians  of  the  State,  those  who  were  enthusias- 
tically for  him,  as  well  as  those  who  doubted  the 
expediency  of  presenting  his  name,  expressed 
themselves  as  delighted  with  the  result. 

Mr.  Stevenson  and  a  few  of  his  friends  about 
seven  o'clock  retired  to  a  private  room,  where 
nearly  50  congratulatory  telegrams  were  brought 
him.  They  were  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
States.  After  the  enthusiasm  had  died  ^.owh 
somewhat,  Mr.  Stevenson  found  time  to  talk  and 
granted  an  interview. 

NOT  A  SURPRISE. 

"  Was  your  nomination  a  surprise  to  you  ?" 
"  No,  I  cannot  say  it  was  entirely,"  he  answered, 
"  for  I  knew  my  friends  had  been  working  for  me 


24*  HON.    ADLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

several  days.  Still  I  cannot  say  I  had  any  great 
hopes  of  being  the  nominee." 

"  How  do  you  feel  about  it  ?" 

"  I  certainly  am  gratified  because  of  the  honor, 
although  I  feel  there  are  other  Democrats  in  the 
West  who  are  more  deserving  of  the  honor  than 
myself.  It  cannot  be  said  that  I  have  been  a  can- 
didate in  the  sense  of  seeking  the  place,  but  now 
that  I  have  been  offered  it  I  shall  certainly  not 
decline  it." 

"  Would  you  be  willing  to  say  how  much  of  a 
part  Tammany  took  in  your  nomination  ?" 

"  No,"  replied  General  Stevenson,  hesitatingly. 
"  I  do  not  care  to  say  anything  about  that.  In 
fact,  if  I  tried  to  say  anything  I  might  trespass 
upon  the  rule  of  courtesy  to  some  of  my  near 
and  dear  friends.  I  would  prefer,  therefore,  not 
to  answer  the  question." 

"  To  what  do  you  attribute  the  turn  of  affairs  in 
your  favor  ?" 

"  Now  I  can  answer  that,"  put  in  General 
Hardin.  "  Mr.  Stevenson  is  a  very  modest  man  and 
might  not  care  to  say  anything  about  it.  To  tell 
you  the  truth  it  was  a  singularly  happy  combina- 
tion of  circumstances,  the  right  man  being  here  in 
the  right  place  just  at  the  time  he  was  wanted  by 
the  Convention.     That's  all  there  is  to  it." 

Just  at  this  time  several  members  of  the  Notifi- 
cation Committee  came  in  and  had  an  informal  talk 
ydih  the  nominee.     They  said  they  would  not  ask 


LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF  *25 

Mr.  Stevenson  to  set  a  time  for  calling  upon  him 
for  the  purpose  of  notifying  him  formally,  as  being 
where  he  could  easily  be  reached  the  matter  could 
be  arranged  without  difficulty. 

MR  STEVENSON  IN  WASHINGTON. 

Mr.  Stevenson  is  well  known  in  Washington, 
and  there,  as  elsewhere,  is  very  popular.  His  Con- 
gressional service  extended  through  several  terms, 
and  he  was  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General 
four  years.  The  town  is  full  of  his  friends,  and  all 
expressed  the  hope  that  he  might  win  at  the  polls. 

His  service  in  the  Post-Office  Department 
earned  for  him  a  title  wholly  at  variance  with  his 
enviable  and  attractive  nature.  One  is  apt  to  con- 
ceive an  expert  political  headsman  as  grim  and 
heartless,  a  person  who  acts  without  consideration 
or  mercy.  But  Mr.  Stevenson,  while  applying  the 
political  axe  industriously  enough  in  the  postal 
service,  made  no  enemies,  even  among  those  he 
summoned  to  the  block.  He  had  a  way  of  con- 
vincing the  condemned  that  their  time  had 
properly  come  and  that  his  own  part  in  the  execu- 
tion was  thoroughly  justified. 

He  was  little  criticised,  even  by  civil-service  re- 
formers, who  observed  that  his  appointments 
showed  not  only  his  aim  to  secure  good  and  com- 
petent men  for  office,  but  an  excellent  knowledge 
of  men.  The  postal  service  branch  over  which  he 
presided  was  well  administered,  and  he  retired  with 


26*  HON.    ADLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

the  reputation  of  duty  well  done    and   executive 
ability  of  a  high  order. 

A  SATISFACTORY  DEMOCRAT. 

All  this  tended  to  make  his  nomination  for  Vice- 
President  highly  satisfactory  to  Democratic  leaders 
in  Congress  and  to  fill  them  with  confidence  in  the 
ticket's  success. 

Mr.  Stevenson  talked  informally  in  another  in- 
terview about  what  he  thought  would  be  the  para- 
mount issues  of  the  campaign.  He  believed  that 
the  tariff  would  cut  an  important  figure,  as  it 
should,  with  Grover  Cleveland,  the  leading  ex- 
ponent of  tariff  reform,  occupying  first  place  on 
the  ticket. 

"  I  am  convinced,  though,''  remarked  Mr.  Ste- 
venson, "  that  there  will  be  much  discussion  over 
the  Force  bill  and  the  dastardly  attempt  made  by 
the  Republicans  in  the  Reed  Congress  to  obtain 
party  dominion  over  the  Southern  States." 

Mr.  Stevenson  spoke  feelingly  and  strongly  in 
denouncing  the  measure  introduced  by  Hendry 
Cabot  Lodge  and  backed  by  President  Harrison 
and  the  Republican  party  at  large,  and  he  said  that 
it  was  a  scheme  to  turn  the  South  over  to  negro 
control.  He  had  conducted,  years  ago,  a  campaign 
against  the  Republican  policy  of  reconstruction. 
That  was  the  chief  point  which  he  urged  in  one  of 
his  early  congressional  battles  and  he  won  upon  it. 

PERILS  AHEAD. 

He  believed  that  the  dangers  with  which  th^ 


LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF  *27 

Lodge-Harrison  Force  bill  threatened  the  South 
were  somewhat  similar  to  those  perils  which  over- 
whelmed the  South  during  the  days  just  after  the 
war.  The  South  is  now  growing.  Should  a  Force 
bill  be  passed  there  would  result  political  turmoil 
and  a  period  of  unrest.  Tranquillity  might  never 
be  restored  and  the  growth  of  the  New  South  would 
be  retarded  and  perhaps  checked  for  a  long  time. 

Campaign  accusations  against  Mr.  Stevenson 
have  been  flung  at  him  with  rancorous  vigor.  The 
main  charge  is  that  he  once  ran  upon  a  Greenback 
ticket  for  Congress.  He  denied  tliis^  but  never- 
theless some  newspapers  repeated  the  accusation. 
Mr.  Stevenson  again  declared  that  the  statement 
is  absolutely  false.  It  is  true  that  he  was  nomi- 
nated for  Congress  by  the  Greenbackers  in  1874, 
but  it  is  also  true  that  he  did  not  formally  or  in 
any  other  way  accept  their  nomination.  He  ran 
upon  the  Democratic  ticket,  and  says  he  made  his 
campaign  as  one  opposed  to  RejDublican  j)rinci2)les. 
That  Greenbackers  and  other  non-conformists 
voted  for  him  was  something  for  which  he  holds 
that  he  should  not  be  held  responsible.  In  fact, 
lie  said  very  frankly  that  he  hoped  they  would 
vote  for  him  again.  The  Democrats  and  the  non- 
descripts, including  all  who  were  opposed  to  the 
Republican  party  in  that  contest  of  1874,  elected 
Mr.  Stevenson.  Although  the  Republicans  liad 
generally  carriea  McLean  County  by  3,000  ma- 
jority he  carried  it  by  1,200, 


28*  HON.    ADLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

General  McNulta,  whom  Stevenson  defeated  foj 
Congress,  said  that  he  always  considered  Steven- 
son a  Democrat,  and  nothing  but  a  Democrat. 

"  He  is  an  adroit  manager,"  said  Mr.  McNulta, 
"  and  it  must  be  considered  simply  as  clever  poli- 
tics that  he  got  the  votes  of  outsiders." 

CHARGES  OF  GREENBACK  HERESY. 

General  McNulta  is  a  steadfast  Republican,  an 
his  declaration  that  Stevenson  always  has  been  a 
Democrat  must  count  as  a  strong  point  of  testi- 
mony in  disproving  the  Greenback  heresy  charges. 

It  is  asserted  also  by  some  of  the  Republican 
campaign  story-tellers  that  Mr.  Stevenson  waa 
opposed  to  the  war  for  the  support  of  the  Union. 
This  is  a  lie  which  the  voters  of  the  same  county 
to  which  Lincoln  belonged  voted  upon  and  de- 
monstrated to  be  false  by  electing  Mr.  Stevenson 
to  Congress  after  the  story  had  been  started.  It 
was  untrue  and  undeserving  of  a  sensible  and 
honest  man's  consideration. 

He  supported  every  measure  tending  to  advance 
the  cause  of  the  Union.  He  helped  to  raise  a 
regiment  to  fight  against  secession  and  overcome 
the  rebellion. 

IMPORTANT  TESTIMONY. 

Below  will  be  found  some  public  documents  in 
full  and  in  extract,  which  will  show  pretty  plainly 
what  has  been  Mr.  Stevenson's  attitude  in  certain 
political  affairs.  To  begin  with,  here  is  a  letter 
from  the  independent  Senator,  David  Davis : 


ROBERT    K.    PATTISON 


ADMIRAL    GEO"^'^    hpnat* 


LIFE  AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF  *29 

"  Bloomington,  III.,  October  25,  1880. 
"  To  Messrs.  William  Dowmcms,  James  Haines,  and 
F.  S.  Hartless. 

"  Gentlemen  :— I  regret  my  inability  to  attend 
your  meeting.  The  more  so  because  it  would  have 
afforded  me  an  opportanity  to  bear  personal  testi- 
mony to  the  claim  of  A.  E.  Stevenson,  who  is  up 
for  re-election  to  Congress,  and  who  deserves  the 
support  of  every  fair-miiided  and  independent  voter. 

"  Mr.  Stevenson  unites  in  his  character  and  can- 
didacy qualities  which  Jeiferson  defined  as  the 
necessary  conditions  for  properly  filling  a  public 
trust.  He  is  honest,  he  is  capable,  and  he  is  faith- 
ful to  duty.  As  a  representative,  people  of  this 
district,  whether  Democrats,  Republicans  or  Na- 
tionalists, have  reason  to  be  proud  of  him,  for  on 
all  test  questions  he  has  risen  above  the  narrow  re- 
straints of  party,  guided  by  the  principle  of  right, 
and  is  animated  by  a  moral  courage  that  never  fal- 
ters in  asserting  his  convictions. 

"  The  soldier,  the  soldiers'  widows,  and  the  sol- 
diers' children  have  found  in  him  a  vigilant,  a 
valuable,  and  an  untiring  friend  to  whose  influence 
and  efforts  they  owe  the  relief  that  has  soothed 
many  sorrows. 

"  Enjoying  the  fullest  confidence  and  respect  of 
all  parties  in  Congress,  he  has  done  very  much  to 
serve  local  and  State  interests.  This  ex])erience 
will  enable  him  to  do  more  than  any  new  member 
could  hope  to  achieve  ibr  the  first  teiui- 


30*  HON.    Ai)LAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

"  If  there  was  no  better  reason  than  self  interest 
to  recommend  him,  he  ought  to  be  returned  again, 
but  as  he  stands  upon  a  higher  claim  and  asks  the 
approval  of  an  intelligent  and  just  constituency 
upon  the  merits  of  his  Congressional  career,  it 
should  be  given  gratefully  and  generously. 

"  With  high  respect,  your  obedient  servant. 

"  David  Davis." 
speech  in  congress. 

The  following  is  a  speech  delivered  by  Mr. 
Stevenson  February  25,  1881,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives : 

"  Mr.  Speaker  : — Congress  has  pursued  a  liberal 
policy  toward  the  defenders  of  our  Union  in  the 
late  civil  conflict.  What  has  already  been  accom- 
plished is  but  the  earnest  of  a  more  substantial 
meed  of  justice  to  be  awarded  hereafter. 

"  I  trust  that  this  Congress,  nor  any  which  may 
come  after  it,  will  pursue  other  than  the  most 
generous  policy  toward  the  defenders  of  our  Re- 
public. 

"  To  provide  for  them  when  disabled  by  wounds 
or  disease  and  for  their  families,  when  dependent, 
is  a  sacred  duty,  an  obligation  imperative  upon  the 
Government. 

"  It  should  be  our  policy,  so  clearly  defined  that 
all  men  may  read,  that  he  who  perils  life  in  de- 
fense of  this  Government  is  henceforth  under 
its  guardian  care. 

"  I   have,   sir,   upon   more  occasions   than  one 


LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF  *31 

urged  upon  this  House  the  passage  of  the  bill  pro- 
viding for  the  organization  of  a  commission,  to  the 
end  that  apj^licants  for  pensions  may  have  an 
early  disposition  of  their  cases.  This  will  prevent 
vexatious  delays,  which  have  become  intolerable. 

BOUNTIES  FOR  SOLDIERS. 

*'  I  had  the  honor  at  the  beginning  of  this  ses- 
sion to  introduce  a  bill  for  the  equalization  of  the 
bounties  of  the  Union  soldiers,  which  I  trust  may 
become  a  law  before  the  Congress  shall  expire. 

"  But,  sir,  while  we  are  doing  justice  to  the  de- 
fenders of  our  Union  in  its  late  conflict,  let  us  not 
forget  the  debt  of  gratitude  we  owe  to  the  few  sur- 
vivors of  that  gallant  little  army  whose  prowess  a 
third  of  a  century  ago  gave  glory  to  our  arms  and 
added  an  empire  to  our  national  domain." 

Here  is  Mr.  Stevenson's  eulogy  upon  Douglas 
containing  sentences  which  show  how  Stevenson 
^^upported  the  Union  in  time  of  war  : 

*^  I  now  come  to  speak  of  the  last  great  act  of  his 
life.  After  the  disruption  of  the  Democratic  party 
at  Qiarleston  and  Baltimore  Senator  Douglas 
was  defeated  for  the  Presidency. 

"  Well  do  we  all  remember  the  excitement  that 
swept  wildly  over  the  country  immediately  preced- 
ing that  election.  Lincoln  was  successful,  Doug- 
las defeated. 

^'  Immediately  tlie  standard  of  rebellion  was 
raised  by  South  Carolina  and  other  States,  and  one 
ordinanc     of  secession   after  another  was  passed 


32*  HON.    ADLAi    E.    STEVENSON. 

until  seven  States  were  arrayed  in  open  rebellion 
against  the  Government. 

"  In  that  hour  of  peril  and  gloom  all  eyes  were 
turned  to  Senator  Douglas.  What  course  would  he 
pursue  ?  Would  he,  in  this  hour  of  his  country's 
danger,  prove  himself  more  a  patriot  than  a  par- 
tisan ? 

"I  AM  FOR  MY  COUNTRY." 

'^  The  fond  hopes  of  his  friends  were  not  disap- 
pointed. He  forgot  the  shaft  of  calumny  that  had 
been  aimed  at  him  in  the  late  canvass  by  the 
triumphant  party. 

"  He  flung  from  him  the  heart-burnings  and 
hostilities  that  had  been  engendered  in  that  ordeal 
throagh  which  he  had  just  passed,  and  in  language 
that  sounded  the  knell  of  destiny  he  declared,  *  I 
am  for  my  country  against  all  her  assailants.' 

"  Can  you  doubt  the  patriotism  of  such  a  man  as 
that?  The  recollections  of  past  friendships  and 
associations  were  obliterated  from  his  mind  in  a 
moment.  Patriotism  required  the  sacrifice,  and 
Douglas  was  found  equal  to  the  emergency. 

"  If  you  have  never  felt  in  your  hearts  a  grati- 
tude for  Stephen  A.  Douglas  let  me  picture  to  you 
what  might  have  been  the  result  of  his  opposition 
and  that  of  his  friends  to  the  present  administra- 
tion in  its  efforts  to  suppress  rebellion. 

"  War,  desolating  war,  would  have  been  around 
your  own  hearthstones.  Father  would  have  been 
arrayed  against  son,  brother  against  brother.    The 


LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OS  *33 

clang  of  arms  and  the  heavy  tread  of  hostile  sol- 
diers might  have  been  heard  in  your  midst  and 
the  desolating  influence  of  invasion  been  changed 
from  the  cottonfields  -of  the  South  to  the  cornfields 
of  your  own  State. 

"  I  challenge  history  to  show  evidences  of  more 
devoted  patriotism  than  was  exhibited  by  Senator 
Douglas  during  the  few  monthsi  preceding  his 
death. 

.  "  The  victor  can  always  afford  to  be  generous, 
but  when  before  did  the  world  ever  behold  sucli  a 
spectacle,  that  of  the  vanquished  in  the  hour  of 
defeat  rallying  his  mighty  energies  to  the  aid  oi 
his  victorious  opponent  ? 

OPPOSED  TO  SECESSION. 

"  Less  than  one  year  ago  Senator  D<,viglas,  in 
the  city  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  was  electrifying  au  audi- 
ence by  the  power  of  his  eloquence,  surrounded  by 
thousands  who  are  now  ranked  as  the  enemip>«i  of 
our  country.  A  leading  lawyer  of  that  city  asked 
the  following  questions : 

"  ^  If  Abraham  Lincoln  be  elected  President  of 
the  United  States,  would  the  Southern  States  l?^ 
justified  in  seceding  from  the  Union  ?  ' 

"  Instantly  he  replied  : 

"  *  I  emphatically  answer  no.     The  election  of  a 

man  to  the  Presidency  by  the  American  people  in 

conformity   with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 

States  would  not  justify  any  attempt  at  the  disso-' 

lution  of  this  glorious  confederacy.' 
3— D 


34*  HON.    ADLAI   E.   STEVENSON. 

"  *  Second^  If  any  (the  Southern  States)  secede 
from  the  Union  upon  the  inauguration  of  Mr. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  before  he  commenced  an  oVert  act 
against  their  constitutional  rights,  will  you  advise 
or  vindicate  resistance  by  force  or  by  secession  V 

"  ^  I  answer  emphatically  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  all  others  in 
authority  under  him  to  enforce  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  passed  by  Congress,  and  as  the  courts 
expound  them. 

"  ^  I,  as  in  duty  bound  by  the  oath  of  fidelity  to 
the  Constitution,  would  do  all  in  my  power  to  aid 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  maintain- 
ing the  supremacy  of  the  laws  against  all  resist- 
ance to  them,  come  from  whatever  quarter  it  might. 
In  other  words,  I  think  the  President  of  the 
United  States  should  treat  all  attempts  to  break 
the  Union  by  resistance  to  its  laws  as  Old  Hickory 
treated  the  nullifiers  in  1832.' 

DOUGLAS'   SOLEMN  DECLAKATION. 

"  Can  you,  dare  you,  doubt  the  patriotism  of 
SH^h  a  man  as  that  ?  If  so,  listen  to  the  words 
uttered  in  the  last  speech  he  ever  made : 

" '  I  deprecate  war,  but  if  it  must  come  I  am 
with  my  country,  and  for  my  country  under  all 
circumstances  and  in  every  contingency.  In- 
dividual policy  must  be  subordinate  to  public 
safety.  If  the  war  must  come,  if  the  bayonet 
must  be  used  to  maintain  the  Constitution,  I  can 
say  before  God  my  conscience  is  clear^ 


LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SEBVICES    OF  *35 

"  *  I  have  struggled  long  for  a  peaceful  solution 
of  the  difficulty.  I  have  not  only  tendered  these 
States  what  was  theirs  of  right,  but  I  have  gone  to 
the  very  extreme  of  magnanimity.' 

"  Thus  spoke  Stephen  A.  Douglas  when  for  th« 
last  time  he  appeared  before  his  countrymen.  J£ 
after  all  these  evidences  of  his  devotion  to  his 
countrv  there  is  still  one  doubt,  to  make  assurance 
doubly  sure  let  me  take  you  to  the  scene  of  his  dis- 
solution. 

"  The  prayers  of  millions  are  ascending  to  heaven 
asking  that  the  hand  of  death  may  be  stayed  and 
he  be  spared  to  his  country.  His  couch  is  sur- 
rounded by  loved  ones  and  the  tears  of  friendship 
and  affection  falling  ujDon  his  noble  brow  when  she 
to  whom  he  was  united  by  the  tenderest  tie  upon 
earth,  bending  over  him,  asked  if  there  was  any 
message  he  desired  to  send  his  sons ;  the  dying 
statesman,  arousing  himself  from  the  stuj^or  of 
approaching  dissolution,  exclaimed,  '  Tell  them  to 
obey  the  laws  and  support  the  Constitution.' 

"  What  a  rich  legacy  for  his  children  !  Tell 
them  to  obey  the  laws  and  support  the  Constitu- 
tion. That  was  a  sentiment  worthy  of  a  Koman 
Senator ;  even  when  the  icy  hand  of  death  was 
upon  him  his  whole  thought  was  for  his  country. 
History  can  nowhere  furnish  a  parallel." 

STEVENSON'S  WAR  RECORD. 

Mr.  Stevenson's  war  record  is  well  shown  in  the 
following  letter : 


36*  HON.   ADLAI   E.   STEVENSON. 

"  Chicago,  III.,  Sept.  1,  1874. 

"I  have  noticed  in  some  of  the  Republican 
papers  of  Central  Illinois  a  statement  that  Mr.  A. 
E.  Stevenson,  now  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  the 
Thirteenth  District,  was,  while  a  resident  of  Wood- 
ford County,  a  vile  secessionist  and  a  bitter  oppo- 
nent of  the  war. 

"  As  a  matter  of  simple  justice  to  Mr.  Stevenson, 
I  desire  to  say  that  I  know  the  statement  to  be 
wholly  unfounded.  I  knew  him-  intimately  dur- 
ing the  entire  period  of  the  war,  and  remember 
well  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  he  made  a 
speech  in  favor  of  the  suppression  of  tbe  rebel- 
lion. 

"  In  the  month  of  August,  1862,  I  raised  two 
companies  in  Woodford  County,  which  were  after- 
ward a  part  of  the  Eighteenth  Regiment  of  Illi- 
nois Volunteers,  of  which  regiment  I  was  subse- 
quently elected  Lieutenant-Colonel.  At  the  time 
I  was  organizing  the  companies  Mr.  Stevenson  went 
with  me  to  different  points  in  the  country,  and  by 
public  speeches  and  by  his  personal  influence  greatl}^ 
assisted  me  in  procuring  enlistments. 

"  I  never  heard  it  intimated  that  his  sympathies 
were  in  favor  of  the  rebellion. 

"  He  was,  as  I  know,  an  ardent  Douglas  Demo- 
crat. In  1864  Mr.  Stevenson  was  a  candidate  for 
State  Attorney  and  was  elected,  although  the  dis- 
trict was  overwhelmingly  Republican. 

"Political  excitement  then  ran  high,  but  it  was 


WILLIAM     J.     BRYAN 

DEMOCRATIC    NOMINEE    FOR    THE    PRESIDENCY 


DAVID    R.    HIDIv 


LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF  *37 

never  charged  upon  him  that  he  had  been  a  sympa- 
thizer with  the  rebellion.     Yours  truly, 

"  R.  J.  SiDWELL." 

Colonel  Sidwell  was  the  man  who  worked  so 
valiantly  for  the  Union  cause.  His  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  a  local  paper. 

THE  ELECTORAL  COMMISSION  AND  OREGON. 

The  following  remarks  were  made  in  Congress 
by  Mr.  Stevenson  on  the  objections  to  the  decisione 
of  the  Electoral  Commission  in  the  case  of  Oregon, 
February,  1877 : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  when  this  Congress  assembled  in 
December  last  it  witnessed  the  great  American 
people  divided  upon  the  question  as  to  which  can- 
didate had  been  lawfully  elected  to  the  high  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States.  The  business 
industries  of  the  great  country  were  paralyzed, 
public  confidence  was  destroyed  and  the  danger  of 
civil  war  was  imminent. 

"  That  Mr.  Tilden  had  received  a  majority  of 
more  than  200,000  of  the  popular  vote  was  not 
disputed.  He  had  secured  a  majority  of  the  Presi- 
dential electors  in  the  several  States,  and  was  law- 
fully entitled  to  be  inducted  into  this  great  office. 

"  Such  was  the  firm  belief  of  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  people  of  this  great  country^ 

"  The  hour  was  one  of  great  peril  to  our  institu- 
tions, and  many  were  apprehensive  that  we  were 
but  entering  into  the  dark  night  of  anarchy  and 
confusiou 


38*  HON.    ADLAI    E.    STEVENSON. 

"  After  many  weeks  of  angry  discussion,  which 
resulted  in  still  further  arousing  the  passion  of  the 
people,  a  measure  of  adjustment  was  proj)Osed.  It 
was  believed  that  there  was  still  patriotism  enough 
left  in  the  American  Congress  to  vouchsafe  an 
honorable  settlement  of  this  most  dangerous  ques- 
tion. 

A  MEASURE  IN  THE  INTEREST  OF  PEACE. 

"You  remember,  sir,  we  all  recall  at  this 
moment  how  our  hopes  revived  and  how  gladly 
we  hailed  the  introduction  of  the  bill  recom- 
mended by  a  joint  committee  on  conference  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives.  It  was 
welcomed  as  the  harbinger  of  peace  by  the  people 
of  this  great  country. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  gave  that  bill  my  earnest  sup- 
port. It  had  upon  this  great  floor  no  friends  more 
ardent  in  its  advocacy  than  myself.  I  believed  it 
to  be  a  measure  in  the  interest  of  peace. 

"  I  believed  that  those  who  framed  it  as  well  as 
those  who  gave  it  their  support  u|)on  the  floor  were 
honest  in  their  statements  that  no  man  could  aflbrd 
to  take  the  Presidency  with  a  clouded  title,  and 
that  the  object  of  this  bill  was  to  ascertain  which 
of  the  candidates  was  lawfully  entitled  to  the  elec- 
toral votes  of  Florida  and  Louisiana. 

"  I  never  mistrusted  for  a  moment  that  states- 
men of  high  repute,  in  so  perilous  an  hour,  upon 
so  grave  a  question,  could  use  words  in  a  double 
sense. 


DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL 
CONVENTION  OF  1900. 


(5 1  HE  Democratic  National  Convention  of 
qj\  1900  assembled  at  Kansas  City,  Missouri, 
on  the  4tli  of  July.  For  several  days  pre- 
viously delegates  from  various  States  had  been 
on  the  ground  preparing  for  the  important  event. 
The  people  of  Kansas  City  prepared  an  enthusi- 
astic welcome  for  their  guests.  From  buildings 
in  all  parts  of  the  city  floated  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  and  at  night  the  town  was  brilliant  with 
electric  illuminations  wrought  into  various  patri- 
otic designs. 

As  the  Convention  assembled  on  the  anniver- 
sary of  our  nation's  birth,  patriotism,  to  the 
exclusion  of  considerable  business,  ruled  in  all 
the  sessions.  The  words  of  Chairman  Jones,  of 
the  Democratic  National  Committee,  when  he 
shouted  for  order,  could  not  be  heard  at  a  dis- 
tance of  fifty  feet.  His  hand  could  be  seen  sway- 
ing the  gavel,  but  the  hammering  was  unheard. 
The  voice  of  Secretary  Walsh,  as  he  read  the  call 

for  the  Convention  died  at  his  lips.     Sporadic 

*43 


44*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

cheers  for  this  or  that  great  man  as  he  entered 
with  his  delegation  were  submerged  in  the  uni- 
versal hubbub. 

It  was  the  most  democratic  scene  imaginable, 
in  the  broadest  sense  of  the  word.  Although 
the  temperature  was  pleasant,  half  of  the  mascu- 
lines wore  but  their  shirts  and  trousers.  A  crim- 
son-cushioned private  gallery  of  notables  oppo- 
site the  chairman's  dais,  reminding  one  of  the 
exclusive  gallery  for  diplomats  in  the  Senate 
chamber  at  Washington,  was  half  filled  with 
men  who  had  shed  their  coats  and  half  with 
women,  who  made  no  objection  to  this  breach  of 
etiquette,  and  yet  sockless  Jerry  Simpson,  who 
came  over  from  Kansas  a  few  days  before  with  a 
drove  of  cattle,  refused  to  remain  for  the  Conven- 
tion because  it  would,  he  said,  be  an  "  assembly 
of  aristocrats  and  their  political  flunkeys." 

Curious  Features  of  the  Convention. 

Temporary  Chairman  Thomas  was  utterly 
unable  to  preserve  order  at  all,  and  at  several 
stages  of  the  proceedings  new  outbreaks  of  dis- 
order— good  humored^— occurred,  calls  for  Hill, 
of  New  York,  being  made  the  medium  by  which 
the  galleries  took  control  of  all  things. 

The  scenes  were  never  paralleled  in  a  National 
Convention,  and  the  curious  feature  of  it  was 
nobody  seemed  to  be  able  to  find  its  source  or  its 


HENRY   M.   TELLER 


DEMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,  1900.  *45 

reason  for  being.  From  pit  to  dome  the  audi- 
torium was  crowded  long  before  Cbairman  Jones, 
looking  like  a  well-faring  farmer,  reached  for  his 
gavel  and  called  the  Convention  to  order.  Every- 
body admired  the  fine  hall  rising  from  the  ashes 
of  the  one  destroyed  by  fire  a  few  weeks  before, 
a  vast  oval  like  the  Colosseum  of  Rome,  with 
gallery  upon  gallery,  the  desks  of  the  presiding 
officials  just  a  little  to  one  side  of  the  centre. 

The  decorations  were  exceptionally  profuse, 
flags  and  bunting  covering  most  of  the  homely 
features  of  the  architecture,  and  giving  the 
whole  a  splendor  of  color  quite  appropriate  to  the 
splendor  of  the  occasion. 

Music  and  Cheers. 

Bands  played  first  at  one  end  then  at  the  other 
end  of  the  oval  and  every  selection  was  cheered 
by  the  happy  audience,  as  though  it  was  mostly 
a  festival  occasion  and  wholly  free  from  all 
bickering  and  difference.  Cheers  for  Bryan  and 
cheers  for  almost  everybody  else  from  Washing- 
ton to  Jefferson,  from  Jefferson  to  Bryan,  from 
Bryan  to  Hill  and  Hill  to  Croker,  were  given  by 
the  ten  thousand  people  for  their  own  amuse- 
ment. A  band  of  high-school  boys,  sent  on  as  a 
treat  at  the  hands  of  some  newspaper  or  another, 
filled  in  the  intervals  with  theil:  hoarse  school- 
cry.     Each  little  corner  or  section  appeared  to 


46*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

think  it  owned  the  place,  and  when  it  set  up  a 
cheer  on  its  own  account  all  the  other  corners 
and  sections  followed  that  the  noise  might  have 
a  genuine  Fourth  of  July  ring  to  it. 

When  Dr.  Neel,  a  local  pastor,  raised  hands  to 
supplicate  Divine  assistance,  the  noisy  mouths 
were  hushed.  In  the  middle  of  the  prayer,  how- 
ever, a  band  marched  into  the  gallery,  blowing 
"  On  the  Wabash  '^  at  the  top  of  its  lungs.  Fran- 
tic signs  from  those  near  to  it  stilled  it  for  the 
"  Amen,"  and  then  it  caught  the  air  just  where 
it  had  been  dropped,  and  the  finish  brought  the 
whimsical  crowds  to  it  feet  in  prolonged  cheers, 
Indiana's  delegation  jumping  on  their  chairs 
and  leading  the  awful  din.  In  the  midst  of  this 
tumult  were  heard  the  first  cries  for  Hill. 

Did  Not  Want  Solemn  Speeches. 

It  was  certainly  no  pre- arrangement  with  cla- 
quers.  The  galleries  were  full  of  Fourth  of 
July  patriotism.  They  were  not  there  for  solemn 
speeches.  Bombs  and  giant  crackers  rent  the 
outside  air.  The  galleries  would  not  allow  the 
street  gamins  to  have  the  day  for  theirs.  A  halt 
was  called  upon  those  first  shouts  for  Hill,  by 
the  appearance  of  Mayor  Reed,  of  Kansas  City, 
who  welcomed  the  Convention  in  a  long  Demo- 
cratic Fourth  of  July  oration. 

Temporary  Chairman  Thomas,  the  long  and 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION^  1900.  *47 

lean  Governor  of  Colorado,  looking  far  more  the 
dominie  than  Dr.  Neel,  was  introduced  amid 
more  cries  for  Hill.  Thomas  read  his  speech. 
Not  only  was  the  reading  not  listened  to,  but  it 
was  absolutely  snuffed  out  by  impatient  stamp- 
ing, cries  of  "  Louder  1"  and  cries  for  Hill.  Its 
ending  only  was  loudly  cheered.  Not  even  the 
reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  called 
for  by  a  "  ringing  resolution  "  of  D.  N.  Camp- 
bell could  command  the  respect  and  silence  of  the 
crowd.  The  elocutionary  effort  of  Charles  Hamp- 
ton, of  Michigan,  in  reading  the  Declaration  was 
ineffectual  and  it  was  punctuated  throughout 
with  cries  for  Hill. 

A  Bust  of  Bryan. 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  two  men  sud- 
denly appeared  on  the  rostrum  bearing  a  myster- 
ious burden  draped  with  American  flags.  Its 
apex,  for  it  was  a  sort  of  pyramid,  had  the  outline 
of  a  bust,  and  every  one  expected  the  unveiling 
of  an  effigy  of  Jefferson.  The  covering  was  ten- 
derly removed  with  reverent  hands  and  gestures 
which  invited  awe ;  there  upon  its  pedestal  was 
revealed  a  plaster  cast  of  the  head  and  shoulders 
of  William  Jennings  Bryan. 

The  face  was  turned  towards  the  delegates, 
who  broke  into  wild  cheering.  "  Turn  it  around!" 
was  shouted  from  other  parts  of  the  hall,  where 


48*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

its  identity  was  yet  a  mystery,  and  as  the  man  in 
charge  screwed  it  about  cheers  rang  round  the 
galleries  as  the  strong  and  handsome  features  of 
the  man  canonized  by  the  Democracy  were 
shown.  But  the  vast  crowd  of  spectators  and 
delegates  would  not  exhaust  their  shouts  upon 
plaster  of  paris.  Bryan's  nomination  was  ex- 
pected to  happen  later,  and  breath  was  saved  for 
the  grand  occasion. 

Hampton's  recitation  of  the  Declaration  again 
made  the  audience  restless,  and  noisy  cries  for 
Hill  ceased  only  when  Miss  Mattie  Fuller,  of  New 
York,  began  to  sing  "  The  Star  Spangled  Ban- 
ner." Then  the  band  struck  up  '^  America." 
Senator  Jones,  Chairman  Thomas  and  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  Martin  waved  hands  and  hats  for  the 
audience  to  rise  in  grand  chorus,  and  so  ended  in 
song  and  cheer  the  dramatic  episode  of  the 
Declaration    and  the   unveiling  of  the  bust   of 

Bryan. 

More  Cheers  for  Senator  Hill. 

The  last  notes  of  "  America "  were  not  yet 
sounded  when  the  shouts  for  Hill,  which  previ- 
ously had  run  around  the  galleries  as  the  first 
pattering  of  rain  foretells  a  deluge,  overwhelmed 
the  hall  and  Chairman  Thomas  was  swept  aside 
like  a  feather  in  a  cyclone.  No  matter  what  the 
demonstration  may  have  meant,,  it  was  strange, 
thrilling  and  dominating.     Young  bloods  from. 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *49 

Chicago  repeated  their  musical  doggerel  about 
the  Vice  Presidential  nominee,  ending  with : 

'•  What  do  we  care  who's  the  nominee."  An 
Irishman  in  the  gallery,  evidently  thinking  the 
day  was  the  17th  of  March,  struck  up: 

"St.  Patrick  was  a  gentleman." 

Delegates  and  lay  delegates  throughout  the 
hall  sang  Bryan  campaign  songs  of  four  years 
before,  and  all  this  time  Thomas  and  his  frenzied 
associates  madly  waved  their  arms  like  wind- 
mills, and  shouted  in  chorus  for  silence.  Finally 
the  grotesqueness  of  it  all  overcame  the  desire  to 
shout  and  sing,  and  laughter  took  the  place  of 
Fourth  of  July  merriment.  By  scores  and  hun- 
dreds men,  women  and  delegates  resumed  their 
seats,  and  it  was  only  with  this  voluntary  lull 
that  Chairman  Thomas  was  heard  to  shout  that 
if  disorder  was  not  stopped  at  once  he  would 
order  the  galleries  cleared. 

Speech  of  Chairman  Thomas. 

After  Chairman  Jones  had  called  the  conven- 
tion to  order  and  had  made  his  remarks.  Gov- 
ernor Charles  S.  Thomas,  Governor  of  Colorado 
and  the  temporary  chairman,  was  introduced. 
Governor  Thomas'  speech  was  heard  with  great 
interest  because  the  thousands  in  the  hall  knew 
that  it  had  been  written  after  consultation  with 

Mr.  Bryan,  and  therefore  would  sound  the  key- 
4— D 


50*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

note  of  Democracy.  As  lie  spoke  he  was  fre- 
quently interrupted  with  cheers,  at  times  the  del- 
egates rising  en  masse  and  yelling  themselves 
hoarse.  He  first  took  up  the  money  question, 
and  in  speaking  of  the  demonetization  of  silver, 
said: 

''  We  meet  under  most  auspicious  influences. 
On  the  nation's  birthday,  in  a  great  central  city 
of  the  republic,  at  the  close  and  opening  of  a  cen- 
tury, we  come  together  to  reaffirm  our  allegiance 
to  the  principles  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  our 
loyalty  to  their  greatest  living  exponent. 

Farmers  and  Mechanics. 

''  We  have  been  selected  by  the  farmer  and  the 
artisan,  the  miner  and  the  mechanic,  the  produc- 
ers of  wealth  in  every  State  and  Territory  of  this 
mighty  nation,  to  register  a  decree  they  have 
already  determined,  to  proclaim  a  candidate  they 
have  already  chosen. 

"  We  come  not  with  the  pomp  and  circum- 
stance of  consolidated  wealth,  but  as  the  dele- 
gates of  the  plain  people  who  believe  that  all  men 
were  created  equal,  and  that  all  governments 
derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed. 

"  We  are  not  here  as  the  representatives  of  the 
vast  interests  which  dominate  every  industrial 
life,  but  as  the  champions  of  the  individual  citi- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  •  *51 

zen  who  stands  helpless  in  their  presence.  We 
speak  not  for  those  who  would  pivot  the  finances 
of  the  world  upon  a  single  metal,  supplementing 
its  inadequacy  by  a  paper  currency  issued  by  a 
private  monopoly  at  the  expense  of  the  people, 
but  for  the  millions  who  believe  in  the  money  of 
the  Constitution,  and  in  the  ability  of  their  coun- 
trymen to  legislate  for  themselves  without  the 
previous  permission  of  foreign  parliaments,  po- 
tentates or  princes. 

The  Party  of  the  People. 

"  We  are  in  very  truth  the  party  of  the  people. 
Our  declaration  of  faith  and  purpose  given  to  the 
world  four  years  ago  has  been  strengthened  by 
the  passage  of  years,  and  is  enshrined  to-day  in 
our  hearts  and  hopes. 

"  It  marked  an  epoch  in  political  history  and 
symbolized  the  regeneration  of  the  party  whose 
birth  was  coeval  with  the  birth  of  the  Union, 
whose  death  that  Union  cannot  long  survive.  It 
crystalized  into  an  undying  creed  the  precepts  of 
our  founders — reaffirmed  the  objects  of  Demo- 
cratic organization  and  proclaimed  democracy  to 
be  no  longer  a  name,  but  "  a  great  spirit  and  a 
living  heart." 

"The  close  of  President  Harrison's  adminis- 
tration found  the  country  face  to  face  with  con- 
ditions of  the  greatest  moment.     A  deficiency  of 


52*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

the  public  revenues  througli  the  reckless  legisla- 
tion and  profligate  extravagance  of  the  Fifty-first 
Congress  had  become  apparent  in  the  preceding 
October.  A  bond  issue,  prepared  in  February, 
was  postponed  as  a  legacy  to  the  incoming  ad- 
ministration. Trade  and  industry,  long  stimu- 
lated by  unequal  tariff  laws,  were  staggering 
toward  a  crisis.  Monetary  conditions,  disturbed 
and  uncertain,  threatened  early  disaster.  The 
storm  came  in  June,  when  the  elements,  long 
pent  up  and  long  accumulating,  burst  in  fury 
upon  the  continent. 

The  Panic  and  Its  Consequences. 

"  It  shook  the  foundations  of  our  commercial 
fabric,  overwhelmed  every  branch  of  trade  and 
industry  and  spread  bankruptcy  and  desolation 
everywhere.  Its  subsidence  was  the  work  of 
years. 

"  The  misery  and  ruin  it  inflicted  was  fresh  in 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  people.  The  country 
slowly  emerged  from  the  receding  flood,  the 
stricken  nation  struggled  to  its  feet  and  painfully 
began  the  work  of  economic  reconstruction,  while 
statesmen  discussed  the  cause  of  our  calamity. 
In  the  agony  of  our  suffering  they  clearly  per- 
ceived and  freely  acknowledged  its  primal  source, 
a  vicious  and  indefensible  monetary  system. 

*'  Men  differed  as  to  the  method  of  its  reforma- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *53 

tion,  not  as  to  the  necessity  for  a  change.  They 
wrangled  over  the  merits  of  standards,  but  united 
in  condemning  an  unsound  and  artificial  finan- 
cial system,  the  logical  outcome  of  whose  opera- 
tion was  inevitable  disaster. 

"  The  line  of  division  between  political  forces 
became,  therefore,  sharply  defined  in  1896  upon 
what  was  called  the  money  question.  That  ques- 
tion involved,  as  we  then  asserted  and  as  we 
now  know,  every  other  economic  problem.  It 
embraced,  within  its  wide  limitations  the  issue 
of  labor  and  capital,  or  combination  and  compe- 
tition, of  production,  transportation  and  distribu- 
tion. 

^^  It  was  predicted  that  the  defeat  of  bimetal- 
lism would  be  followed  by  the  retirement  of  all 
forms  of  government  currency,  by  the  dedication 
of  the  power  of  note  issue  to  the  holders  of  the 
national  obligation,  the  practical  consolidation  of 
all  lines  of  transportation  and  the  consequent 
domination  of  every  commercial  pursuit  by  a 
score  of  colossal  monopolies.  These  predictions 
have  in  general  been  verified. 

Trusts  Followed  Republican  Victory. 

''  Democratic  defeat  had  scarcely  been  recorded 
when  the  march  of  consolidation  was  resumed. 
Every  pursuit  that  engages  the  attention  of  man 
has  been  exploited,  capitalized  and  appropriated. 


54*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900. 

^^  The  earth  and  the  waters  round  about  it 
have  been  explored  for  subjects  of  monopoly  and 
those  who  have  thundered  against  unsound 
money  have  used  the  printing  press  and  the  en- 
gravers' art  to  turn  out  thousands  of  millions  of 
fictitious  values,  to  whose  profit  the  toilers  and 
consumers  pay  constant  tribute.  Every  avenue 
is  closed  to  the  competitive  energies  of  the  citizen, 
has  been  listed  on  the  stock  exchange  and  rises 
or  falls  with  the  turn  of  the  gambler's  card. 

Despotism  of  Money. 

''  Consolidations  succeed  consolidations,  and 
as  they  lessen  in  number,  they  enlarge  in  the 
volume  of  their  real  and  fictitious  accumulations, 
and  their  more  despotic  sway  over  all  material 
and  political  interests. 

"  These  evils,  startling  in  their  magnitude  and 
inevitable  in  their  consequences,  must  either  cul- 
minate in  one  immense  aggregation,  all  powerful 
and  all  absorbino^,  to  be  arrested  and  dissolved 
by  the  force  of  an  aroused  public  opinion  finding 
expression  at  the  polls  in  support  of  the  nominee 
of  this  convention. 

''  The  party  in  power  carried  the  last  election 
by  and  through  the  support  of  influences  which 
we  criticize.  Having  purchased  the  right  to 
pursue  their  various  objects  the  government  has 
been  at  all  times  their  powerful  all}^     Hence  the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *55 

onward  marcli  of  organized  wealth  to  absolute 
power  and  the  exaltation  of  the  dollar  above  the 
rights  of  the  welfare  of  the  multitude. 

"  The  crisis  in  our  commercial  affairs,  whose 
issue,  presented  in  an  acute  form  to  the  voters  of 
1900,  is  that  of  industrial  despotism  as  against 
the  liberty  of  the  citizen. 

Wealth  Gained  Dishonestly. 

"  Democracy  wages  no  war  against  wealth. 
Under  her  beneficent  rule  its  creation  and  amass- 
ment have  ever  been  among  the  most  worthy 
objects  of  human  effort.  The  desire  for  material 
comfort  and  well-being  is  the  very  mainspring  of 
progress.  The  wealth  that  comes  as  the  reward  of 
honest  industry  and  thrift  commands  and  must 
receive  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  all. 

"  But  the  wealth  that  comes  through  the  part- 
nership with  the  government,  which  usurps  its 
prerogatives  and  perverts  its  agencies,  which 
absorbs  the  resources  and  blasts  the  opportuni- 
ties of  the  individual,  furnishes  competition,  levies 
tribute  on  the  producer  and  corrupts  and  poisons 
all  branches  of  official  life,  and  reduces  the  citi- 
zen to  dependence  upon  its  will,  excites  our  just 
apprehensions. 

"  Free  institutions  must  languish  without 
communism  of  wealth.  Official  integrity  cannot 
survive  its  temptations.     Against  its  continued 


56*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

prevalence  the  conscience  of  tlie  nation  must  be 
quickened  and  aroused  if  its  baleful  influences 
are  to  be  destroyed.  Modern  monopoly  is  the 
offspring  of  tbe  Republican  party.  It  is  tbe 
genius  of  organized  commercialism.  It  has 
neither  conscience,  sentiment  nor  patriotism. 

^' It  knows  neither  justice  nor  merality.  Its 
inspiration  is  greed  and  its  purposes  accumula- 
tion. Corruption  is  its  necessary  instrument. 
No  public  service  is  too  high,  none  too  low,  to 
escape  its  influence.  Its  hand  is  on  the  throat 
and  in  the  pocket  of  every  human  being  in  the 
nation.  It  sneers  at  the  rights  of  man  and  de- 
fies the  sovereignty  of  States.  It  regulates  wages 
and  the  prices  of  life's  necessities.  It  divides  the 
territory  of  the  Union  into  commercial  provinces, 
punishes  integrity  and  rewards  the  unscrupu- 
lous. It  gives  or  refuses  employment  at  its 
pleasure.  It  blacklists  the  workingman  and  sets 
him  adrift  to  starve  in  the  midst  of  plenty. 

The  Yield  of  Gold. 

"  If  the  enormous  gold  yield  of  the  past  five 
years  were  indefinitely  prolonged  and  the  arcs  of 
the  gold  standard  were  not  extended  the  needs 
of  bimetalism  would  be  relatively  inconsequent. 
But  the  production  of  gold  and  silver  oscillates, 
one  or  the  other  always  preponderating.  The 
pendulum  will  again  swing  to  the  other  extreme. 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *57 

"  Bimetalism  knowing  this,  knows  also  that 
the  crisis  returns  if  one  man  shall  reject  tlie 
offering  nature  presents  for  our  continued  pros- 
perity. 

"  Looking  backward  over  the  past  and  forward 
to  the  coming  years,  we  ask  this  great  nation  to- 
provide  against  recurrence  of  disaster  by  adher- 
ing to  the  system  of  finance  which  the  fathers 
crystalized  in  the  Constitution. and  base  its  future 
policy  on  more  secure  foundation. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine. 

"  We  have  cheerfully  submitted  to  a  burden- 
some taxation  that  Cuba  might  be  free  ;  that 
Porto  Rico  might  enjoy  the  heritage  of  our  Con- 
stitution. We  have  consecrated  our  sons  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  sent  them  freely  forth  to 
extinguish  the  last  vestige  of  despotism  in  our 
hemisphere.  We  protest  against  payment  of 
tribute  or  the  devotion  of  life  to  the  cause  of 
empire. 

"  We  will  emulate  monarchy  neither  in  con- 
quest nor  in  government.  We  would  perpetuate 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  realize  with  Jefferson 
that  its  first  and  fundamental  maxim  is  never 
to  entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils  of  the  Old 
World,  We  need  not  despoil  the  helpless  that 
we  may. trade  with  them. 

"  We  realize  that  a  standing  army  is  the  at- 


58*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900, 

tendant  of  imperialism.  We  should  avoid  the 
latter  because  ouce  avowed  as  a  national  policy 
it  must  undermine  our  domestic  institutions. 

The  American  Soldier. 

'^  The  stretch  of  thirty-three  peaceful  years 
from  the  close  of  the  rebellion  to  the  opening  of 
the  war  for  Cuban  independence  has  wrought  no 
change  in  the  valor  and  self-denial  of  the  Ameri- 
can soldier. 

''  Inspired  by  the  loftiest  patriotism,  the  high- 
est devotion  to  the  country,  he  has  again  testified 
his  readiness  and  ability  to  wage  her  battles  and 
win  her  victories.  On  land  and  sea,  under  burn- 
ing tropic  suns,  he  is  the  same  invincible  fighter 
whose  fathers  at  Yorktown,  at  New  Orleans,  at 
San  Jacinto  and  at  Gettysburg  established,  main- 
tained and  perpetuated  the  Republic. 

Burdens  of  Taxation. 

"  We  would  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden 
of  taxation.  If  administrative  authority  is  to 
be  credited,  the  Spanish- American  conflict  ended 
eight  months  ago.  The  same  authority  assures 
us  with  every  moon  that  the  Philippine  insurrec- 
tion is  over. 

"  The  treasury  is  bursting  with  a  plethoric 
issue,  millions  of  which  are  deposited  with 
favorite  banks,  which  lend  it  to  the  people  on 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *59 

their  own  terms,  that  the  volume  of  circulation 
may  not  suffer  diminution.  Notwithstanding 
these  conditions,  there  is  no  surcease  of  taxation. 

"  Measures  cunningly  devised  to  fall  upon  the 
backs  of  the  people  and  screen  large  interests 
from  responsibility  for  the  public  burdens  wil- 
lingly assumed  and  cheerfully  borne  in  the  heat 
of  conflict,  press  with  full  weight  in  times  of 
peace,  with  no  signs  of  relief  from  the  party  in 
power. 

"Unnecessary   taxation    is    unjust    taxation, 

and  unjust  taxation,  by  whatever  name  it  may 

be  called,,  is  the  plunder  of  the  citizen  by  his 

government. 

The  Man  Wanted. 

"  We  would  have  for  our  Chief  Magistrate  a 
man  sprung  from  the  loins  of  the  people,  rock- 
ribbed  in  his  convictions  and  controlled  b}^  the 
admonitions  of  his  conscience.  A  man  of  lofty 
ideals  and  steadfast  courage.  A  man  to  whom 
his  country's  constitution  appears  as  a  living 
and  sacred  reality. 

"  A  man  who  exalts  the  duties,  the  rights  and 
the  welfare  of  his  fellow-citizens  above  the  sinis- 
ter and  corroding  influences  of  centralized  com- 
mercialism. 

"  A  man  whose  ear  is  untuned  to  the  pulsa- 
tions of  the  pocket-book,  but  responsive  to  the 
heart-throb    of    the    masses.      A    man   with    no 


60*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

Warwick  behind  his  chair,  with  policies  that  are 
his  own, 

'^  A  man  with  strong  opinio^ j  and  a  strong 
will  to  enforce  them.  A  man  conscious  of  his 
country's  dignity  and  power,  of  its  capacity  to 
cope  with  all  conditions.  A  man  who  measures 
the  greatness  of  the  republic  by  the  protection 
it  gives  to  the  humblest  citizen.  A  man  whose 
clear  vision  perceives  the  causes,  and  whose 
steady  judgment  determines  the  remedy  for  the 
public  ills. 

"  A  man  who  will  lay  a  strong  hand  of  author- 
ity upon  the  vast  interests  dominating  the  moral, 
industrial  and  political  life  of  the  nation  and 
maintain  the  integrity  of  our  institutions  against 
all  their  designs  and  encroachments. 

Dignity  of  an  American  Citizen. 

"  A  man  who  recognizes  no  dignity  greater 
than  that  of  an  American  citizen,  no  right  more 
sacred  than  that  which  secures  to  him  the  full 
enjoyment  of  every  opportunity  that  a  land  like 
ours  affords.  A  man  whose  opinions  do  not 
change  with  his  apparel ;  whose  policies  are  not 
fashioned  from  day  to  day  by  extraneous  influ- 
ences, whose  "  plain  duty  "  consists  not  in  sanc- 
tioning the  repudiation  of  his  own  counsel. 

"  We  want  a  man  of  non-plastic  mould,  con- 
forming his  opinions  to   passing  impressions  of 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *61 

popular  sentiment,  as  facile  in  tlieir  abandon- 
ment as  in  their  advocacy.  We  want  a  man  to 
whom  right  is  greater  than  expediency,  who  post- 
pones no  duty  to  the  demand  of  privilege,  who  is 
loved  by  the  multitude,  respected  by  the  world  and 
feared  only  by  those  who  distrust  the  people." 

Wrangle  Over  Resolutions. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  speech  of  temporar}^ 
chairman  Thomas,  Governor  of  Colorado,  the 
the  Convention  adjourned  until  4  o'clock.  The 
short  4  o'clock  session,  after  a  rest  of  an  hour, 
was  a  scene  of  struggling  and  fighting  for  ad- 
mission and  seats,  only  to  be  met  with  another 
recess  until  8.30. 

The  committee  on  resolutions  being  engaged 
in  an  interminable  wrangle  over  the  16  to  i 
plank,  and  the  moderates  being  in  the  lead,  there 
was  "  confusion  worse  confounded." 

The  wrangle  in  the  committee  on  platform, 
one  of  the  bitterest  known  in  long  years  and  un- 
expected to  most  of  those  who  were  in  the  midst 
of  it,  held  up  all  movements  in  relation  to  the 
Vice-Presidency. 

Impossible  to  preserve  even  a  semblance  of 
order,  and  shouts  and  cat-calls  and  ''  put  him 
out!"  and ''shut  him  ofFI"  and  ''choke  him!" 
greeted  the  speakers  upon  reports  of  the  commit- 
tee on  credentials. 


62*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

A  momentary  pause  in  the  disorder  occurred 
when  the  committee  on  permanent  organizations 
reported  and  Congressman  Richardson  was  es- 
corted to  the  stand  as  permanent  chairman,  but 
the  long  speech  of  the  leader  of  the  Democrats 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  was  heard  only 
by  a  few  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  speaker. 

Speech  of  the  Permanent  Chairman. 

"  The  last  great  national  contest  was  fought 
mainly  upon  one  issue,  which  was  familiarly 
called  "sixteen  to  one.''  The  momentous  issue 
this  year  is  again  sixteen  to  one,  but  the  sixteen 
parts  to  the  one  part  of  this  campaign  are  wholly 
different  from  those  of  1896. 

This  is  how  Representative  James  D.  Rich- 
ardson, of  Tennessee,  permanent  chairman  of 
the  Convention,  began  his  address.  He  placed 
the  issues  of  the  campaign  under  sixteen  heads 
and  the  candidate  as  the  one  of  the  combination. 

Of  the  issues  he  said  :  "  We  have  the  issue 
fraught  with  indescribable  importance  to  our 
people  native  born — that  of  the  republic  against 
the  empire.  On  this  part  alone  of  the  sixteen, 
we  confidently  expect  to  win  a  sweeping  victory 
in  November. 

''Under  three  years  of  Republican  rule,  while 
they  controlled  the  Presidency,  the  Senate  and 
the  House  of  Representatives,  trusts  have  been 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *63 

propagated  and  fostered  by  legislation  until  they 
not  only  dominate  all  markets,  but  defy  the  very 
power  of  the  government  itself 

New  Tariff  Law  Denounced. 

"  Called  to  power  under  a  pledge  to  reform  the 
currency,  they  seized  the  first  opportunity  to 
fasten  upon  the  land  the  highest  protective  tariff 
law  ever  put  upon  the  statute  books  of  any 
country.  It  failed  to  raise  sufficient  revenue  for 
the  government,  but  answered  the  purpose  of  en- 
riching the  favored  few,  while  it  robbed  the 
many. 

*'  This  administration  came  into  power  with  a 
solemn  declaration  in  favor  of  bimetalism  and  a 
pledge  to  promote  it.  It  has  failed  to  keep  that 
pledge.  It  has  erected  in  its  stead  the  single 
standard  of  gold  and  has  built  up  a  powerful 
national  bank  trust. 

"  The  dominant  party  has  recently  made  the 
fraudulent  declaration  that  it  favored  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  and  yet  its  President  and  Secretary  of 
State  have  done  all  in  their  power  to  nullify  and 
abrogate  that  famous  and  much  revered  Demo- 
cratic doctrine. 

*'  When  Congress  last  assembled  the  President 
solemnly  urged  the  plain  duty  to  give  free  trade 
to  Puerto  Rico.  But  in  a  night — almost  in  a 
twinkling  of  an  eye — the  mighty  magnates  of  the 


64*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

trusts  swept  down  upon  Washington  and  inter- 
posed tlieir  strong  arm,  and  plain  duty  vanislied 
like  mist  before  the  rising  sun. 

'^  The  President  wheeled  into  line  the  Repub- 
lican party,  reversed  its  policy,  and  set  up  a  tariff 
wall  between  the  Island  of  Puerto  Rico  and  the 
remainder  of  the  United  States.  The  Democratic 
party  stands  for  equal  taxation,  equal  rights  and 
opportunities  to  all  who  come  under  the  folds  of 

the  flag. 

Incompetence  in  Philippines. 

"  They  wholly  failed  by  their  legislation  or  by 
the  cheaper  method  of  platform  declaration  to  tell 
the  country  what  their  policy  is  in  respect  to  the 
Philippine  Islands.  For  two  years,  by  their 
equivocating  policy,  and  no  policy  at  all,  they 
have  continued  in  that  archipelago  a  war,  expen- 
sive in  human  blood,  as  well  as  in  money. 

"  Incompetent  to  deal  with  this  question,  and 
too  cowardly  to  avow  their  real  purpose  of  imper- 
ialism and  militarism  in  dealing  with  these  and 
kindred  colonial  questions,  they  should  be  retired 
from  power,  and  the  control  should  be  given  to  a 
party  honest,  bold  and  patriotic  enough  to  apply 
American  theories  and  precepts  to  existing  con- 
ditions, and  thereby  solve  them  in  harmony  with 
the  underlying  principles  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  the  constitution  of  our  coun- 
try. 


DEMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *65 

*^  They  loudly  proclaim  tliat  theirs  is  the  party 
of  liberty,  and  in  their  vainglory  boast  of  their 
very  name,  Republican,  yet  they  stand  supinely 
by  and  refuse  even  an  expression  of  sympathy 
with  the  Boer  republics  in  their  heroic  and  un- 
equal struggle  for  existence  as  against  the  gross 
oppressions  and  brutal  efforts  at  enslavement  of 
the  same  old  tyrant  who  went  down  in  defeat 
when  he  sought  to  prevent  the  establishment  of 
our  own  liberty  loving  Republic.^' 

In  conclusion  he  said  : — 

Broken  Pledges. 

"  We  have  seen  that  platform  pledges  are 
made  and  broken ;  that  good  intentions  of  men 
are  many  times  set  at  naught ;  that  plain  duty 
clearly  set  forth  and  understood  is  disregarded  ; 
that  some  men  are  weak  and  vacillating  and  may 
change  their  solemn  opinions  in  a  day. 

^'  It  is  apparent,  therefore,  to  all  that  in  this 
supreme  exigency  of  the  Republic  a  demand 
goes  forth  not  for  a  faint-hearted  declaration  of 
platform  platitudes,  but  for  a  man.  Yes,  a  man 
who  stands  like  a  mighty  rock  in  this  desert — a 
man  who  knowing  the  right  will  dare  to  do  right. 

*^  Such  a  man  this  Convention  will  tender  to 

the  nation  as  their  candidate    for  President — a 

man  who  is  unsurpassed  as  a  citizen,  unequalled 

as  an  orator,  courageous  as  a  soldier,  conspicuous 
5— D 


66*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

in    every   element   tliat  constitutes    the   typical 

and   the   true    American,  William  J.  Bryan,  of 

Nebraska." 

Genuine  Enthusiasm. 

The  disorder  at  the  close  of  the  speech  of 
Richardson  was  genuine  enthusiasm  in  response 
to  the  mention  of  Bryan's  name.  It  was  the  first 
evidence  of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  delegates. 

Had  the  magic  name  been  spoken  at  any  other 
time  than  at  the  moment  when  adjournment  was 
known  to  be  at  hand,  doubtless  no  greater  dem- 
onstration would  have  been  made.  It  was  a 
moment  of  relief,  the  end  of  a  day  of  laborious 
and  curious  performances,  and  the  cheering  was 
as  vociferous  as  though  the  name  of  Bryan  had 
been  formally  presented  for  nomination. 

The  scene  was  typical.  Everybody  shouted, 
flags  and  kerchiefs  deluged  the  air.  The  dele- 
gates, after  a  season  of  cheering,  caught  up  the 
standards  of  the  States  and  began  the  typical 
convention  march.  Cheering  for  Bryan,  howl- 
ing themselves  hoarse,  struggling  up  one  aisle 
and  down  another,  they  finally,  after  twenty 
minutes  of  this  cheerful  insanity,  rushed  to  the 
dais  of  the  chairman  and  massed  the  standards, 
each  carrier  attempting  to  raise  -his  higher  than 
any  other,  but  effectually  giving  the  supremacy 
in  most  chivalric  manner  to  a  delegate  who 
swung  aloft  the  standard  of  Bryan's  own  State. 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *67 

SECOND  DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  hall  was  packed,  as  on  the  first  day,  long 
before  the  honr  fixed  for  beginning  business. 
Delegates  and  representatives  of  the  press  en- 
countered obstacles  to  easy  admission  to  the  hall, 
and  in  many  cases,  after  gaining  admission,  were 
compelled  to  appeal  to  the  police  to  secure  pos- 
session of  their  seats.  It  was  fully  expected  that 
a  fight  would  take  place  at  the  morning  session 
over  the  platform.  The  morning  papers  had 
announced  that  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
had  agreed  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  the  plat- 
form, the  coinage  plank  favoring  16  to  i  having 
been  adopted  by  a  vote  of  26  to  24.  Montana 
and  the  District  of  Columbia  not  voting.  The 
effect  of*  this  announcement  was  to  increase  the 
pressure  for  admission  to  the  hall,  the  inference 
being  that  the  committee  would  certainly  bring 
in  two  reports,  and  thus  begin  the  decisive  battle 
on  the  floor,  which  was  deemed  inevitable. 

A  Keen  Lookout  for  Hill. 
The  hour  fixed  for  assembling  was  half-past 
10.  It  was  II  when  Chairman  Richardson  as- 
sumed the  gavel,  and  had  the  session  opened 
with  prayer.  As  on  the  day  before,  the  specta- 
tors were  on  the  lookout  for  the  entrance  of 
favorite  delegates,  but  the  great  throng  that 
packed  the  floor  and  aisles  made  identification  of 


68*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

particular  individuals  almost  impossible.  The 
lookout  for  ex-Senator  Hill  was  especially  keen. 
So  keen,  indeed,  tkat  few  baldheaded  men  seen 
in  tke  vicinity  of  the  New  York  seats  were  per- 
mitted to  escape.  Mr.  Hill  was  at  the  hall  only 
for  a  few  minutes  during  the  morning  session. 

Upon  entering  he  was  recognized  and  cheered. 
Apprehending  that  he  might  be  forced  to  the 
platform  through  the  efforts  of  those  who  were 
calling  for  him  at  frequent  intervals,  Mr.  Hill 
left  the  hall  after  learning  that  the  Committee 
on    Resolutions    would    not    report    for    several 

hours. 

Speechmaking  to  Kill  Time. 

The  proceedings  of  the  morning  session  were 
without  special  interest.  The  Convention  was 
held  together  a  couple  of  hours  in  the  hope  that 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions  would  report  the 
platform,  the  time  being  occupied  by  speeches 
by  ex-Governor  Hogg,  of  Texas ;  ex-Congress- 
man Dockery,  of  Missouri ;  Governor  Beckham, 
of  Kentucky ;  Congressman  Williams,  of  Indi- 
ana; Mayor  Rose,  of  Milwaukee,  who  was  de- 
feated for  temporary  chairman  by  the  i6  to  i 
men,  a  few  others  of  more  or  less  prominence 
and  patriotic  music  by  the  band. 

Governor  Beckham,  of  Kentucky,  was  accorded 
an  enthusiastic  greeting  by  the  delegates,  and  of 
course  by  the  galleries,  whose  occupants  never 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *69 

fail  to  improve  an  opportunity  to  cheer  and  make 
a  noise.  Shouting  in  a  national  political  Con- 
vention is  contagious.  It  is  often  started  when 
the  cause  is  the  slimmest  and  continued  without 
occasion  or  justification. 

Learning  the  committee  would  not  be  prepared 
to  report  until  late  in  the  afternoon  a  recess  was 
taken  until  half-past  3  o'clock. 

No  Trouble  Over  the  Platform. 

Mr.  Hill  was  mistaken  in  his  judgment  that 
there  would  be  a  platform  fight  in  the  Conven- 
tion. The  platform  was  adopted  with  unanimity 
and  with  a  wave  of  delirious  excitement  that 
would  have  overwhelmed  and  pulverized  any  at- 
tempt to  resist  it.  Moreover,  the  unanimous  re- 
port of  the  committee  left  no  favorable  parlia- 
mentary opportunity  for  opposition.  The  com- 
mittee succeeded  in  reconciling  all  differences 
and  satisfying  the  men  who  stood  for  reaffirma- 
tion by  some  modification  in  the  language  origi- 
nally proposed,  although  the  modification  could 
not  be  said  to  contain  substantial  concession. 

The  demand  of  1896  for  an  American  financial 
system  is  reiterated,  ^'  and  as  a  part  of  such  sys- 
tem the  immediate  restoration  of  the  free  and  un- 
limited coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present 
legal  ratio  of  16  to  i,  without  waiting  for  the  aid 
or  consent  of  any  other  nation,"  is  also  insisted 


70*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

Upon.  The  financial  plank  had  the  approval  of 
Mr.  Bryan,  to  whom  it  was  submitted,  and  is  in 
every  way  essential  for  free  and  unlimited  coin- 
age as  the  utterance  made  at  Chicago  in  1896. 

Vote  in  the  Committee. 

The  committeemen  who  voted  for  the  plank 
represented  the  following  States  and  Territories  : 

Alabama,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Delaware, 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  Missouri,  Nebraska,  Ne- 
vada, New  Hampshire,  North  Dakota,  South 
Carolina,  Idaho,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, Utah,  Vermont,  Washington,  Wyoming, 
Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico,  Okla- 
homa and  Hawaii. 

Those  who  voted  against  it  represented  the 
following:  California,  Connecticut,  Florida, 
Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Louisiana,  Maryland, 
South  Dakota,  Virginia,  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina,  Ohio, 
Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Missis- 
sippi, Texas,  Wisconsin  and  Alaska. 

No  Minority  Report. 

When  the  doors  opened  at  the  Kansas  City 
Club  at  I  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  members 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  came  out,  the 
eager  crowds  outside  soon  saw  and  heard  unmis- 
takable indications   of  a  radical  and  happy  ac- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *71 

cord  on  the  vexatious  problem  connected  with 
the  platform.  "  We  have  agreed  and  all  is  love- 
ly," said  Mr.  Morse,  the  Indiana  member  of  the 
committee,  who  was  first  to  appear.  "  There 
were  some  humiliations,  but  on  the  whole  we 
can  feel  assured  that  a  safe  result  has  been 
reached.  Our  vote  was  unanimous  on  the  whole 
platform  as  represented  and  put  together.  There 
will  be  no  minority  report." 

Several  of  the  committee  remained  discussing 
the  result.  Senator  Daniel,  who  had  strenu- 
ously opposed  the  specific  plank  on  silver,  said 
it  did  not  disappoint  him,  for  he  believed  in  the 
principle  and  wanted  to  be  conciliatory  if  possi- 
ble to  all  elements  of  the  party. 

"The  Paramount  Issue." 

The  fact  that  the  committee  had  agreed  on  a 
specific  declaration  that  anti-expansion  is  the 
paramount  issue  gave  great  satisfaction.  The 
anti-silver  men  were  more  pleased  by  this  turn  in 
affairs  than  any  one  else.  They  said  it  let  them 
out  and  gave  them  a  good  fighting  foothold  in 
their  constituencies.  Representative  Daly,  of 
New  Jersey,  who  af&liates  with  the  Tammany 
men  in  New  York,  was  delighted  with  the  result. 
It  was  a  magical  transformation  from  the  scenes 
that  made  the  night  session  full  of  bitterness  and 
dispute. 


72*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900. 

Mr.  Metcalfe,  the  Convention  voice  of  Bryan, 
said  there  could  be  no  question  of  Mr.  Bryan's 
approval  of  the  platform  now,  and  he  believed  it 
was  word  for  word  in  every  line  just  what  the 
Nebraskan  wanted.  In  fact,  although  Mr.  Met- 
calfe did  not  say  so,  it  is  believed  that  the  result 
which  was  the  event  of  the  day  was  the  happy 
thought  of  Bryan  hiraself,  long  ago  intended 
and  thrown  into  the  situation  at  the  eleventh 
hour  as  a  peace  nucleus  to  save  the  Convention. 

Tillman's  Effort  Against  the  Stamp  Tax. 

Senator  Tillman  made  a  strong  fight  against 
what  he  termed  the  ^'  licking  taxes.''  ''  I  don't 
like  so  much  gum  and  glue  in  our  Government," 
he  said.  ''  Let's  denounce  this  whole  stamp  tax 
business.  I  do  not  believe  in  keeping  the  whole 
American  people  pulling  their  tongues  on  stamps 
forever  to  raise  money  to  kill  the  poor  uncon- 
senting  Filipinos." 

Tillman  put  the  committee  in  good  humor, 
and  as  much  as  any  one  present  contributed  to 
the  general  feeling  of  brotherly  accord.  Fred 
Plaisted,  of  Maine,  was  as  much  gratified  by  the 
final  action  of  the  committee  as  the  members 
from  other  States.  "  It's  all  right,  now,''  he 
said,  with  a  joyous  laugh.  "  We  had  a  fearful 
time  reaching  it,  but  it's  all  tha  better  now.  We 
are  through. 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *73 

"  It's  a  platform  that's  consistent  with  Bryan's 
immovable  belief,  and  it  gives  those  who  vary 
from  him  a  greater  issue  than  silver  can  be  this 
year.  If  there  is  any  part  of  the  country  or  any 
section  of  the  party  that  prefers  to  register  its 
opinion  on  the  expansion  question  rather  than 
silver,  we  have  given  the  fullest  chance  for  it, 
and  the  Northwest  and  the  West  can  argue  the 
money  question  all  over  again  if  they  find  it  best 
to  do  so.  I  believe  this  platform  was  never  sur- 
passed in  any  Democratic  Convention.  It  brings 
harmony  where  there  was  discord  and  leaves  no 
kick  coming  from  any  quarter." 

The  Platform  Ready. 

It  was  4  o'clock  when  the  Committee  on  Re- 
solutions appeared  with  Jones  at  their  head  hold- 
ing in  his  hand  the  newly  prepared  manuscript 
that  had  just  come  fresh  from  the  typewriters  at 
the  Kansas  City  Club.  The  committee  had  been 
in  session  two  hours  to  listen  to  the  final  draft, 
and  at  length  it  was  thoroughly  polished  and 
completed.  Two  and  two,  the  committee  marched 
over  the  distance  of  a  block,  and  Chairman  Jones 
and  Benton  McMillin  soon  loomed  upon  the 
platform.  There  was  much  confusion  through- 
out the  hall.  The  aisles  were  filled  with  sway- 
ing masses  of  men  and  women. 

Hundreds  who  had  no  tickets  had  thronged  in 


74*  DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

between  the  lines  of  seats  and  knelt  and  crouclied 
to  get  a  coign  of  vantage  from  whicli  to  witness 
tlie  nomination  of  a  Presidential  candidate.  It 
took  time  to  gain  quiet  in  the  great  hall.  Chair- 
man Richardson  and  Chairman  Jones  both  waved 
their  hands  long  and  patiently  to  silence  the 
common  voice  of  the  great  throng.  The  band 
struck  up  ''  Home,  Sweet  Home,"  and  as  its 
familiar  strains  swept  through  the  building 
the  steady  staccato  of  the  gavel  was  heard  ap- 
pealing for  order.  Fan  in  one  hand  and  gavel 
in  the  other  the  tall  Tennesseean  labored. 

Senator  Tillman's  Great  Effort. 

At  length,  in  something  like  a  lull  in  the  din, 
Jones  announced  that  the  platform  was  prepared, 
and  the  committee  would  present  its  work.  There 
was  a  resounding  yell  of  delight  when  the  crowd 
caught  the  words.  ''  Tillman  read  the  report," 
and  they  knew  there  was  some  chance  of  hearing, 
when  the  all-conquering  voice  of  the  South  Caro- 
linian was  to  bring  the  platform  before  the  Con- 
vention. He  set  out  in  a  mighty  tone  that  was 
heard  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  hall  in  front 
of  him,  but  to  those  in  the  opposite  end  was  in- 
audible. An  Arkansas  delegate  brought  the  pro- 
ceedings to  a  standstill  by  yelling,  ''That  is  an 
important  document.  We  have  a  right  to  hear 
it  read.     I  demand  order  I" 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *75 

Then  Tillman  lifted  his  terrible  voice  in  a  gi- 
gantic effort  and  told  the  multitude  that  if  they 
would  make  as  much  of  an  effort  to  keep  still  as 
he  should  to  make  a  noise  they  would  all  hear 
every  word.  Tillman  read  the  platform,  with  de- 
light streaming  from  every  part  of  his  sturdy 
figure. 

If  it  had  been  one  of  his  own  right  and  left 
speeches  it  would  not  have  aroused  him  to  greater 
animation.  He  brandished  the  mass  of  manu- 
script clenched  in  his  hand,  and  gestured  every 
sentence  to  a  thrilling  finish. 

Again,  and  over  and  over  the  spectators  broke 
in  with  applause.  They  relished  the  thundering 
phrases  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  they  said  so  as  often  as  possible. 

During  these  recurring  cheers,  compared  with 
the  scene  that  came  as  the  last  lines  of  the  plank 
of  anti-imperialism  rolled  on  into  the  waiting 
spaces  of  the  big  hall.  Voices  at  first  shouted, 
"  Read  it  again,"  and  "That's  right,  that's  right," 
was  heard  from  hundreds  of  voices  in  all  parts 
of  the  hall.  The  starting  point  of  the  scene  was 
the  words  in  the  platform  which  declared  that 
anti-imperialism  was  the  paramount  issue  of  the 
campaign.  In  the  demonstration  that  followed 
there  occurred  a  premature  use  of  arrangements 
to  fan  the  enthusiasm  of  the  throng  when  Bryan 
should  be  nominated. 


76*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

A  Huge  Flag  Unfurled. 

A  huge  flag,  26  by  50  feet,  had  been  furled  up 
in  the  steel  rafters  of  the  hall.  The  plan  was  to 
let  it  unfold  and  fall  before  the  Convention  at  the 
moment  when  the  nomination  was  to  receive  its 
storm  of  cheers.  But  the  men  stationed  up  in 
the  bowels  of  the  roof  caught  the  infection  of 
enthusiasm  and  let  down  the  flag  on  Tillman's 
reading  of  the  anti-Philippine  plank.  Then, 
suddenly,  as  if  a  vast  meadow  were  all  at  once 
to  burst  ^into  full  bloom  with  flowers  of  all  colors, 
there  were  thousands  of  small  flags  waving  in 
the  air  all  over  the  great  hall. 

A  Stirring  Scene. 

The  scene  on  the  floor  was  one  of  pandemon- 
ium. Everyone  in  the  hall  was  on  his  feet. 
Some  were  not  content  with  this  and  stood  in 
their  chairs.  Everything  that  could  be  brand- 
ished was  waving  in  the  air.  Canes,  hats,  hand- 
kerchiefs, umbrellas — anything  that  could  swing 
or  flutter.  The  standards  of  the  States  were 
clustering  in  front  of  the  stage.  Every  man  was 
trying  to  lift  his  standard  as  high  in  the  air  as 
lie  could.  Many  delegates  had  colored  pampas 
plumes,  and  these  they  brandished  in  tbe  air. 
Some  delegations  had  beautiful  silk  banners, 
Michigan's,  of  blue,  bearing  the  portrait  of 
Bryan;    California's,    of    red,    and   bearing   the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *77 

words  ^^  Liberty,  Equality  and  Justice  ;"  Hawaii's, 
with  a  legend  in  monosyllabic  words  in  the  island 
language.  Kansas  had  a  big  bunch  of  sunflow- 
ers tied  to  her  standard.  The  large  flag  of  the 
Traveling  Men's  League  was  also  in  the  throng. 

Not  So  Much  Enthusiasm  Over  Silver. 

The  cheering  went  on  for  nearly  twenty  min- 
utes and,  when  something  like  quiet  was  secured, 
Tillman  made  a  short  speech  on  his  own 
account,  which  sounded  as  if  he  were  telling  a 
story  about  ''  Hell  in  Georgia,"  with  the  sugges- 
tion that  if  this  sort  of  thing  kept  on  Mr.  Hanna 
would  think  there  was  ''  Hell  in  Missouri."  The 
Boer  plank  drew  a  hearty  cheer,  as  did  one  after 
another  of  the  lesser  declarations  of  principles 
and  issues.  In  a  moment  he  was  reading  the  sil- 
ver plank,  and  another  outburst  greeted  it.  It 
was  long  and  steady,  but  marked  "by  none  of  the 
delirium  that  had  just  preceded  it.  People  did 
not  rise ;  the  cheering  seemed  to  lag, 

There  Were  No  Noes. 

In  the  cadence  of  the  cheering  that  followed 
the  close  of  Tillman's  reading  Chairman  Jones 
moved  the  adoption  of  the  report.  Chairman 
Richardson  put  the  motion,  which  was  caught  up 
in  a  mighty  shout  of  approval.  The  noes  were 
not  asked  for  and  there  were  none. 


78*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900. 

A  Dramatic  Incident. 

And  liere  anotlier  dramatic  surprise  had  been 
arranged  by  the  master  mechanics  of  this  cloud- 
burst of  Democratic  enthusiasm.  The  echoes  of 
the  vote  on  the  platform  had  hardly  died  away 
before  Chairman  Richardson  took  the  breath  of 
the  big  audience  by  introducing  Webster  Davis, 
who  stood  like  a  new  convert  at  a  revival  for  sev- 
eral minutes  until  the  crowd  would  let  him  be 
heard.  Then  in  a  stirring  speech  he  walker*  into 
the  Democratic  party  and  declared  accounts  bal- 
anced between  himself  and  McKinley.  The 
scene  that  ensued  was  like  those  that  preceded  it, 
although  not  so  much  prolonged. 

In  the  whirl  that  followed  the  Missouri  delega- 
tion, with  Governor  Stone  at  the  head,  walked  up 
to  the  platform  and  took  Davis  down  to  sit  with 
them.  Meantime  th^  big  flag  had  been  again 
furled  up  under  the  roof,  and  men  waited  there 
to  let  it  down  on  the  nomination  scene.  The 
south  wind  blew  through  open  windows  and  sent 
the  big  flag  waving  through  the  great  hall. 

The  Master  Demonstration  of  the  Day. 

The  cheers  for  Davis  and  the  Boers  were 
hardly  dying  away  when  another  demonstration 
started  through  the  announcement  by  the  chair 
that  nominations  for  President  of  the  United 
States  were  in  order.     The  announcement  was 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   190a  *79 

hardly  heard  that  Mr.  Oldham,  of  Nebraska,  was 
to  nominate  the  candidate  when  that  gentleman 
was  seen  to  be  speaking.  The  speech  was  long, 
and  was  hardly  heard.  He  finished  at  6.08  p.  m. 
Then  began  the  master  demonstration  of  the  day. 
For  over  half  an  hour  pandemonium  reigned. 
The  unison  of  yells  was  paralyzing.  The  rush 
of  standard  bearers  again  set  in.  Up  and  down 
the  hall  they  surged  in  a  quivering,  screaming 
line. 

After  a  while  there  loomed  up  from  the  region 
of  the  Nebraska  seats  a  banner  bearing  a  colossal 
portrait  of  Bryan.  It  moved  forward  to  the  plat- 
form, and  the  standards  and  banners  congre- 
gated about  it.  Texas  held  aloft  on  a  twenty- 
foot  pole  a  huge  pair  of  steer  horns  surmounted 
by  an  antelope  head.  Some  State  swung  out  a 
banner  with  the  words  "Lincoln  abolished 
slavery,  McKinley  revived  it."  New  York  had 
one  saying :  "  Don't  think  there  are  no  sixteen 
to  one'rs  in  New  York." 

The  big  flag  of  the  Harrisburg  Democratic 
Club  was  conspicuous  in  the  line.  Here  and 
there  on  the  floor  men  twirled  red,  white  and 
blue  umbrellas.  All  the  while  20,000  throats 
were  hurrahing,  yelling  and  screaming.  Women 
joined  with  a  frantic  treble,  and  the  thin,  vibrant 
voices  of  children,  girls  as  well  as  boys,  were 
heard  in  the  babel  of  noises.     And  now  and  then 


80*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

a  bar  of  some  patriotic  song  drifted  down  from 
where  the  Third  Regiment  band  was  joining  in 
the  demonstration.  The  big  portrait  of  Bryan 
began  to  move  down  the  hall. 

A  Delirious  Pageant. 

The  delirious  pageant  set  in  behind  it.  Around 
and  around  the  hall  they  went.  The  enthusiasm 
was  contagious.  Senator  Clark,  carrying  the 
Montana  standard  and  leading  a  beautiful  young 
lady  by  the  hand,  went  around  the  circuit  of  the 
hall.  With  undiminished  force  the  demonstra- 
tion kept  on,  and  the  moments  sped  on  without 
any  sign  of  the  wild  joy  of  the  throng  ever  com- 
ing to  an  end.  It  was  as  if  despair  had  been 
turned  to  sudden  joy.  An  escape  had  been 
found  from  the  pall  of  i6  to  i  and  anti-imperial- 
ism had  taken  its  place. 

A  new  decalogue  had  come  to  guide  the  host, 
and  nothing  but  ungirt,  frenzied,  cyclonic  em- 
ployment of  lungs  and  muscle  could  sufficiently 
express  the  altitudinous  delight.  As  the  big 
portrait  of  Bryan  went  on,  the  galleries  immedi- 
ately in  front  of  it  redoubled  their  yells  until  the 
sound  was  deafening.  Its  intensity  only  in- 
creased as  the  huge,  grim  face  went  on  by  and 
succeeding  thousands  screeched  and  roared  their 
pleasure. 

Round  and  round  the  big  amphitheatre  the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *81 

thuiidering  roll  of  myriad  voices  went,  and  tlie 
long-legged  Nebraskans  struggled  on  with  the 
portrait.  The  galleries  were  by  no  means  tired 
when  at  last  the  face  stopped  once  more  at  the 
Chairman's  platform,  and  the  throng  of  stand- 
ards and  banners  again  assembled  there.  This 
was  not  long  after  6  o'clock,  and  the  long  tilting 
rays  of  the  setting  sun  slanted  down  from  the 
west  windows,  high  up  in  the  lantern  of  the  hall, 
and  seemed  to  join  in  the  demonstration.  All 
things  have  an  end,  and  when  the  demonstration 
had  run  longer  than  any  other  of  the  day,  as  was 
fitting,  Mr.  Richardson  began  pounding  the  life 
out  of  it.  It  stopped,  and  the  somewhat  dreary 
business  of  seconding  the  nomination  began. 

The  Seconding  Speeches. 

A  pale  gentleman  with  glasses.  Judge  E.  B. 
Perkins,  of  Texas,  was  making  an  inaudible 
speech.  Ex-Senator  White  thundered  a  strong 
promise  of  support  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

O.  W.  Thompson,  an  Illinois  delegate,  told  of 
the  pride  he  and  his  fellow  citizens  in  Jackson- 
ville felt  in  the  fact  that  Bryan  was  born  in  their 
neighborhood. 

As  the  call  of  States  for  the  speeches  went  on 

there  was  a  good  deal  of  eloquence  turned  on,  to 

be  sent  like  leaves  before  the  wind  in  the  stormy 

babel  that  prevailed.     It  was  known  that  Ten- 
G— D 


82*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

nent  lyomax  and  Senator  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  and 
Jolin  H.  Atwood,  the  silver-tongued  Democratic 
orator  of  Kansas,  and  many  others  were  speakers, 
but  only  fragments  of  what  was  said  could  be 
heard. 

The  Final  Roll  Call. 

The  speechmaking  was  finally  cut  off,  much 
to  the  gratification  of  delegates  and  spectators, 
and  the  roll  was  called  on  the  nomination  of 
Bryan.  As  each  State  was  called,  the  Chairman 
announced  the  unanimous  vote  of  his  colleagues 
for  Bryan.  There  were  demonstrations  from 
time  to  time  as  the  roll  call  proceeded,  but  they 
were  not  continuous,  as  everybody  seemed  im- 
patient for  the  final  result.  This  was  announced 
by  Chairman  Richardson  at  8.50.  It  was  re- 
ceived with  a  yell  of  delight,  and  the  Convention 
adjourned  until  the  next  morning,  when  the 
nomination  for  Vice  President  was  to  be  made  and 
the  work  of  the  Convention  completed. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 

Following  is  the  official  text  of  the  platform 
as  agreed  upon  by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
presented  to  the  Convention  and  unanimously 
adopted : 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in  conven- 
tion on  the   anniversary  of  the  adoption  of  the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900.  *83 

Declaration  of  Independence,  do  reaffirm  our 
faith  in  that  immortal  proclamation  of  the  in- 
alienable rights  of  man,  and  our  allegiance  to 
the  Constitution  framed  in  harmony  therewith 
by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic.  We  hold  with 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court  that  the  De- 
claration of  Independence  is  the  spirit  of  our 
Government,  of  which  the  Constitution  is  the 
form  and  letter. 

We  declare  again  that  all  governments  in- 
stituted among  men  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  any  govern- 
ment not  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed 
is  a  tyranny ;  and  that  to  impose  upon  any  people 
a  government  of  force  is  to  substitute  the  methods 
of  imperialism  for  those  of  a  republic. 

We  hold  that  the  Constitution  follows  the  flag, 
and  denounce  the  doctrine  that  an  Executive 
or  Congress,  deriving  their  existence  and  their 
powers  from  the  Constitution,  can  exercise  lawful 
authority  beyond  it  or  in  violation  of  it. 

The  Treachery  to  Porto  Rico, 

We  assert  that  no  nation  can  long  endure  half 
republic  and  half  empire,  and  we  warn  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  Imperialism  abroad  will  lead 
quickly  and  inevitably  to  despotism  at  home. 
Believing  in  these  fundamental  principles,  we 
denounce  the  Porto  Rico  law,  enacted  by  a  Re- 


84*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

publican  Congress,  against  tlie  protest  and  oppo- 
sition of  tlie  Democratic  minority,  as  a  bold  and 
open  violation  of  the  nation's  organic  law  and  a 
flagrant  breach  of  the  national  good  faith.  It 
imposes  upon  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  a  govern- 
ment without  their  consent  and  taxation  without 
representation.  It  dishonors  the  American  people 
by  repudiating  a  solemn  pledge  made  in  their 
behalf  by  the  commanding  general  of  our  army, 
which  the  Porto  Ricans  welcomed  to  a  peaceful 
and  unresisted  occupation  of  their  land.  It 
doomed  to  poverty  and  distress  a  people  whose 
helplessness  appeals  with  peculiar  force  to  our 
justice  and  magnanimity.  In  this,  the  first  act 
of  its  imperialistic  programme,  the  Republican 
party  seeks  to  commit  the  United  States  to  a 
colonial  policy  inconsistent  with  republican  in- 
stitutions and  condemned  by  the  Supreme  Court 
in  numerous  decisions. 

Our  Pledges  to  Cuba. 

We  demand  the  prompt  and  honest  fulfillment 
of  our  pledge  to  the  Cuban  people  and  the  world, 
that  the  United  States  has  no  disposition  nor  in- 
tention to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction  or 
control  over  the  Island  of  Cuba,  except  for  its 
pacification.  The  war  ended  nearly  two  years 
ago,  profound  peace  reigns  over  all  the  island,  and 
still  the  Administration  keeps  the  government  of 


1/U.dOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900.  *85 

the  island  from  its  people,  wliile  Republican  car- 
pet-bagging officials  plunder  its  revenues  and 
exploit  the  colonial  theory  to  the  disgrace  of  the 
American  people. 

Denounces  Philippine  Policy. 

We  condemn  and  denounce  the  Philippine  pol- 
icy of  the  present  Administration.  It  had 
involved  the  Republic  in  unnecessary  war,  sacri- 
ficed the  lives  of  many  of  our  noblest  sons  and 
placed  the  United  States,  previously  known  and 
applauded  throughout  the  world  as  the  champion 
of  freedom,  in  the  false  and  un-American  position 
of  crushing  with  military  force  the  efforts  of  our 
former  allies  to  achieve  liberty  and  self-govern- 
ment. The  Filipinos  cannot  be  citizens  without 
endangering  our  civilization  ;  they  cannot  be  sub- 
jects without  imperiling  our  form  of  Govern- 
ment, and  as  we  are  not  willing  to  surrender  our 
civilization  or  to  convert  the  Republic  into  an 
Empire,  we  favor  an  immediate  declaration  of  the 
nation's  purpose  to  give  to  the  Filipinos,  first,  a 
stable  form  of  government ;  second,  independ- 
ence, and  third,  protection  from  outside  interfer- 
ence, such  as  has  been  given  for  nearly  a  century 
to  the  Republics  of  Central  and  South  America. 

The  greedy  commercialism  which  dictated  the 
Philippine  policy  of  the  Republican  Administra- 
tion attempts  to  justify  it  with  the  plea  that  it 


86*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

will  pay ;  but  even  this  sordid  and  unworthy  plea 
fails  when  brought  to  the  test  of  facts.  The  war 
of  criminal  aggression  against  the  Filipinos, 
entailing  an  annual  expense  of  many  millions, 
has  already  cost  more  than  any  possible  profit 
that  could  accrue  from  the  entire  Philippine  trade 
for  years  to  come.  Furthermore,  when  trade  is 
extended  at  the  expense  of  libertj^,  the  price  is 
always  too  high. 

The  Paramount  Issue. 

We  are  not  opposed  to  territorial  expansion 
when  it  takes  in  desirable  territory,  which  can  be 
erected  into  States  in  the  Union,  and  whose  peo- 
ple are  willing  and  fit  to  become  American  citi- 
zens. We  favor  expansion  by  every  peaceful  and 
legitimate  means  ;  but  we  are  unalterably  opposed 
to  seizing  or  purchasing  of  distant  lands,  to  be 
governed  outside  the  Constitution,  and  whose 
people  can  never  become  citizens. 

We  are  in  favor  of  extending  the  Republic's 
influence  among  the  nations,  but  believe  that 
influences  should  be  extended  not  by  force  and 
violence,  but  through  the  persuasive  power  of  a 
high  and  honorable  example. 

Burning  Issue  of  Imperialism. 

The  importance  of  other  questions  now  pend- 
ing before  the  American  people  is  in   no  wise 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *87 

diminished,  and  the  Democratic  party  takes  no 
backward  step  from  its  position  on  them  ;  bnt  the 
burning  issue  of  Imperialism  growing  out  of  the 
Spanish  war  involves  the  very  existence  of  the 
Republic  and  the  destruction  of  our  free  institu- 
tions. We  regard  it  as  the  paramount  issue  of 
the  campaign. 

The  declaration  in  the  Republican  platform 
adopted  at  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  held  in 
June,  1900,  that  the  Republican  party  "  stead- 
fastly adheres  to  the  policy  announced  in  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,"  is  manifestly  insincere  and 
deceptive.  This  profession  is  contradicted  by 
the  avowed  policy  of  that  party,  in  opposition  to 
the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  to  acquire  and 
hold  sovereignty  over  large  areas  of  territory 
and  large  numbers  of  people  in  the  Eastern 
Hemisphere.  We  insist  on  the  strict  mainten- 
ance of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  all  its  integrity, 
both  in  letter  and  in  spirit,  as  necessary  to  pre- 
vent the  extension  of  European  authority  on  this 
continent,  and  as  essential  to  our  supremacy  in 
American  affairs.  At  the  same  time,  we  declare 
that  no  American  people  shall  ever  be  held 
by  force  in  unwilling  subjection   to   European 

authority. 

Militarism  Opposed. 

We  oppose   militarism.     It   means    conquest 
abroad  and  intimidation  and  oppression  at  home. 


88*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

It  means  the  strong  arm  whicli  lias  ever  been 
fatal  to  free  institutions.  It  is  what  millions  of 
our  citizens  have  fled  from  in  Europe.  It  will 
impose  upon  our  peace-loving  people  a  large 
standing  army  and  unnecessary  burden  of  taxa- 
tion and  a  constant  menace  to  their  liberties. 

A  small  standing  army  and  a  well-disciplined 
State  militia  are  amply  sufficient  in  time  of 
peace.  This  Republic  has  no  place  for  a  vast 
military  service  and  conscription.  In  time  of 
danger  the  volunteer  soldier  is  his  country's  best 
defender.  The  National  Guard  of  the  United 
States  should  ever  be  cherished  in  the  patriotic 
hearts  of  a  free  people.  Such  organizations  are 
ever  an  element  of  strength  and  safety. 

For  the  first  time  in  our  history  and  co-evil 
with  the  Philippine  conquest  has  there  been  a 
wholesale  departure  from  our  time-honored  and 
approved  system  of  volunteer  organizations. 
We  denounce  it  as  un-American,  undemocratic 
and  unrepublican,  and  as  a  subversion  of  the 
ancient  and  fixed  principles  of  a  free  people. 

Intolerable   Trusts. 

Private  monopolies  are  indefensible  and  in- 
tolerable. They  destroy  competition,  control 
the  price  of  all  material,  and  of  the  finished  pro- 
duct, thus  robbing  both  producer  and  consumer. 
They  lessen  the  employment  of  labor,  and  arbi- 


DEMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *89 

trarily  fix  the  terms  and  conditions  thereof  and 
deprive  individual  energy  and  small  capital  of 
their  opportunity  for  betterment. 

They  are  the  most  efficient  means  yet  devised 
for  appropriating  the  fruits  of  industry  to  the 
benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many, 
and,  unless  their  insatiate  greed  is  cliecked,  all 
wealth  will  be  aggregated  in  a  few  hands  and  the 
Republic  destroyed. 

The  dishonest  paltering  with  the  Trust  evil 
by  the  Republican  party  in  State  and  National 
platforms  is  conclusive  proof  of  the  truth  of  the 
charge  that  Trusts  are  the  legitimate  product  of 
Republican  policies  ;  that  they  are  fostered  by 
Republican  laws  and  that  they  are  protected  by 
the  Republican  Administration  in  return  for 
campaign  subscriptions  and  political  support. 

Would  Fight  the  Combines. 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party  to  an  un- 
ceasing warfare  in  Nation,  State  and  city  against 
private  monopoly  in  every  form.  Existing  laws 
against  Trusts  must  be  enforced,  and  more 
stringent  ones  must  be  enacted  providing  for 
publicity  as  to  the  affairs  of  corporations  en- 
gaged in  interstate  commerce  and  requiring  all 
corporations  to  show,  before  doing  business  out- 
side the  State  of  their  origin,  that  they  have  no 
water  in   their  stock,    and   that   they    have    not 


90*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

attempted  and  are  not  attempting  to  monopolize 
any  branch,  of  business  or  the  production  of  any 
articles  of  merchandise.  And  the  whole  consti- 
tutional power  of  Congress  over  interstate  com- 
merce, the  mails  and  all  modes  of  interstate 
communication  shall  be  exercised  by  the  enact- 
ment of  comprehensive  laws  upon  the  subject  of 
Trusts. 

Tariff  laws  should  be  amended  by  putting  the 
products  of  Trusts  upon  the  free  list,  to  prevent 
monopoly  under  the  plea  of  protection. 

A  Blow  at  Trusts. 

The  failure  of  the  present  Republican  admin- 
istration, with  an  absolute  control  over  all  the 
branches  of  the  National  Government,  to  enact 
any  legislation  designed  to  prevent  or  even  cur- 
tail the  absorbing  power  of  Trusts  and  illegal 
combinations,  or  to  enforce  the  anti-Trust  laws 
already  on  the  statute  books,  proves  the  insin- 
cerity of  the  high-sounding  phrases  of  the  Re- 
publican platform. 

Corporations  should  be  protected  in  all  their 
rights,  and  their  legitimate  interests  should  be 
respected,  but  any  attempt  by  corporations  to  in- 
terfere with  the  public  affairs  of  the  people  or  to 
control  the  sovereignty  which  creates  them, 
should  be  forbidden,  under  such  penalties  as  will 
make  such  attempts  impossible. 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *91 

Dingley  Law  a  Trust-Breeder. 

We  condemn  the  Dingley  Tariff  law  as  a 
Trust-breeding  measure,  skillfully  devised  to 
give  the  few  favors  which  they  do  not  require, 
and  to  place  upon  the  many  burdens  which  they 
should  not  bear. 

We  favor  such  an  enlargement  of  the  scope  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  law  as  will  enable  the 
Commission  to  protect  individuals  and  commun- 
ities from  discriminations  and  the  public  from 
unjust  and  unfair  transportation  rates. 

The  16  to  1  Plank. 
We  reaffirm  and  indorse  the  principles  of  the 
National  Democratic  platform  adopted  at  Chicago 
in  1896,  and  we  reiterate  the  demand  of  that 
platform  for  an  American  financial  system  made 
by  the  American  people  for  themselves,  which 
shall  restore  and  maintain  a  bimetallic  price  level, 
and  as  part  of  such  system  the  immediate  resto- 
ration of  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i  without 
waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation. 

The  Currency  Bill. 
We  denounce  the  Currency  bill  enacted  at  the 
last  session  of  Congress  as  a  step  forward  in  the 
Republican  policy  which  aims  to  discredit  the 
sovereign  right  of  the  National  Government  to 
issue  all  money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  and  to 


92*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

bestow  Upon  national  banks  tbe  power  to  issue 
and  control  the  volume  of  paper  money  for  their 
own  benefit.  A  permanent  national  bank  cur- 
rency, secured  by  tbe  Government  bonds,  must 
have  a  permanent  debt  to  rest  upon,  and  if  the 
bank  currency  is  to  increase  with  population  and 
business  the  debt  must  also  increase.  The  Re- 
publican currency  scheme  is,  therefore,  a  scheme 
for  fastening  upon  the  taxpayers  a  perpetual 
and  growing  debt  for  the  benefit  of  the  banks. 
We  are  opposed  to  this  private  corporation  paper 
circulated  as  money,  but  without  legal  tender 
qualities,  and  demand  the  retirement  of  the  na- 
tional bank  notes  as  fast  as  this  Government 
paper  and  silver  certificates  can  be  substituted" 
for  them. 

Senators  by  Popular  Vote. 

We  favor  an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution providing  for  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  and 
we  favor  direct  legislation  wherever  practicable. 

We  are  opposed  to  government  by  injunction; 
we  denounce  the  blacklist  and  favor  arbitration 
as  a  means  of  settling  disputes  between  corpora- 
tions and  their  employes. 

Department  of  Labor. 

In  the  interest  of  American  labor  and  the  up- 
lifting of  the  workingman,  as  the  corner-stone  of 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *93 

the  prosperity  of  our  country,  we  recommend 
that  Congress  create  a  Department  of  Labor,  in 
charge  of  a  secretary,  with  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet, 
believing  that  the  elevation  of  the  American 
laborer  will  bring  with  it  increased  prosperity  to 
our  country  at  home  and  to  our  commerce  abroad. 

American   Soldiers. 

We  are  proud  of  the  courage  and  fidelity  of 
the  American  soldiers  and  sailors  in  all  our 
wars;  we  favor  liberal  pensions  to  them  and 
their  dependents,  and  we  reiterate  the  position 
taken  in  the  Chicago  platform  of  1896,  that  the 
fact  of  enlistment  and  service  shall  be  deemed 
conclusive  evidence  against  disease  and  disability 
before  enlistment. 

For  the  Nicaragua  Canal. 

We  favor  the  immediate  construction,  owner- 
ship and  control  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  by  the 
United  States,  and  we  denounce  the  insincerity 
of  the  plank  in  the  late  Republican  platform  for 
an  isthmian  canal  in  face  of  the  failure  of  the 
Republican  majority  to  pass  the  pending  bill  in 
Congress. 

We  condemn  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  as  a 
surrender  of  American  rights  and  interests  not 
to  be  tolerated  by  the  American  people. 


94*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900- 

New  States. 

We  denounce  the  failure  of  tlie  Republican 
party  to  carry  out  its  pledges,  to  grant  Statehood 
to  the  Territories  of  Arizona,  New  Mexico  and 
Oklahoma,  and  we  promise  the  people  of  those 
Territories  immediate  Statehood  and  home  rule 
during  their  condition  as  Territories;  and  we 
favor  home  rule  and  a  territorial  form  of  Govern- 
ment for  Alaska  and  Porto  Rico. 

We  favor  an  intelligent  system  of  improving 
the  arid  lands  of  the  West,  storing  the  waters  for 
purposes  of  irrigation,  and  the  holding  of  such 
lands  for  actual  settlers. 

We  favor  the  continuance  and  strict  enforce- 
ment of  the  Chinese  Exclusion  act  and  its  appli- 
cation to  the  same  classes  of  all  Asiatic  races. 

No  Entangling  Alliances. 

Jefferson  said :  "  Peace,  commerce  and  honest 
friendship  with  all  nations  ;  entangling  alliances 
with  none."  We  approve  this  wholesome  doc- 
trine and  earnestly  protest  against  the  Repub- 
lican departure  which  has  involved  us  in  so-called 
politics,  including  the  diplomacy  of  Europe  and 
the  intrigue  and  land-grabbing  of  Asia,  and  we 
especially  condemn  the  ill-concealed  Republican 
alliance  with  England,  which  must  mean  dis- 
crimination against  other  friendly  nations,  and 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *95 

which  has  already  stifled  the  nation's  voice  while 
liberty  is  being  strangled  in  Africa. 

Sympathy  for  the  Boers. 

Believing  in  the  principles  of  self-government, 
and  rejecting,  as  did  our  forefathers,  the  claim  of 
monarchy,  we  view  with  indignation  the  purpose 
of  England  to  overwhelm  with  force  the  South 
African  Republics.  Speaking  as  we  do,  for  the 
entire  American  nation,  except  its  Republican 
ofi&ce-holders,  and  for  all  free  men  everywhere, 
we  extend  our  sympathies  to  the  heroic  burghers 
in  their  unequal  struggle  to  maintain  their  lib- 
erty and  independence. 

We  denounce  the  large  appropriations  of 
recent  Republican  Congresses,  which  have  kept 
taxes  high  and  which  threaten  the  perpetuation 
of  oppression  in  war  levies. _ 

Extravagance  Opposed. 
We  oppose  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus  to 
be  squandered  in  such  barefaced  frauds  upon  the 
taxpayers  as  the  Shipping  Subsidy  bill,  which, 
under  the  false  pretense  of  prospering  American 
ship-building,  would  put  unearned  millions  into 
the  pockets  of  favorite  contributors  to  the  Re- 
publican campaign  fund.  We  favor  the  reduc- 
tion and  speedy  repeal  of  the  war  taxes  and  a 
return  to  the  time-honored  Democratic  policy  of 
strict  economy  in  governmental  expenditures. 


96*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900. 

Believing  that  our  most  clierislied  institutions 
are  in  great  peril  ;  that  the  very  existence  of  our 
Constitutional  Republic  is  at  stake,  and  that  the 
decision  now  to  be  rendered  will  determine 
whether  or  not  our  children  are  to  enjoy  those 
blessed  privileges  of  free  government  which  have 
made  the  United  States  great,  prosperous  and 
honored,  we  earnestly  ask  for  the  foregoing  de- 
claration of  principles  the  hearty  support  of  the 
liberty-loving  American  people,  regardless  of 
previous  party  aflB.liations. 

Bryan  Nominated  by  Oldham. 

Deputy  Attorney  General  W.  D.  Oldham,  of 
Nebraska,  in  nominating  William  J.  Bryan  for 
the  Presidency,  said  : 

"  With  hearts  unchilled  by  the  selfish  senti- 
ments of  cold  commercialism  you  have  responded 
patriotically  to  each  sentiment  contained  in  De- 
mocracy's first  platform  as  it  was  read  to  you  at 
the  opening  of  this  Convention,  and  in  view  of 
the  radical  departure  w^hich  the  party  in  power 
has  made  from  the  principles  set  forth  in  that 
historic  document,  it  is  meet  that  we — true  be- 
lievers in  the  republic  of  old — should,  when 
choosing  a  field  and  forming  our  lines  for  the 
bloodless  battle  of  ballots  now  pending,  say  in 
the  language  of  one  of  the  loved  patriots  of  long 
ago  : — '  Read  this  declaration  at  the  head  of  the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  ^^97 

army,  and  every  sword  shall  be  drawn  from  its 
scabbard  and  a  solemn  vow  taken  to  maintain  it 
or  perish  on  the  bed  of  honor.' 

''  Aiuch  of  the  histor}^  of  this  republic  shall  be 
either  made  or  marred  by  the  action  of  this  Con- 
vention. You,  as  representatives  of  the  only 
party  which  is  co-existent  with  the  nation  itself; 
the  only  party  which  ever  had  within  its  own 
ranks  sufficient  constructive  statesmanship  to 
create  a  nation  in  which  each  citizen  becomes  a 
sovereign,  have,  true  to  the  traditions  you  bear, 
in  your  platform  set  out  in  simple  language, 
with  a  decided  American  accent,  a  plan  for  the 
people's  redemption  from  each  sacrilege  and 
schism  taught  by  the  Republican  party. 

Triumph  Predicted. 

^'  The  plan  contains  nothing  but  the  approved 
precepts  of  the  elders  and  doctors  of  your  faith. 
If,  on  a  platform,  you  place  a  candidate  whose 
devoted  and  unblemished  life  shall  stand  as  a 
pledge  to  the  plain  people  that  he,  in  good  faith, 
will  carry  out  the  solemn  covenants  made  therein, 
then  the  hour  of  our  ultimate  triumph  is  at 
hand. 

"  There  is  no  greater  honor  reserved  for  a  citi- 
zen of  these  United  States  than  to  become  the 
standard  bearer  of  the  Democratic  party. 

"  This  high  distinction  must  not  be  unworthily 
7— D 


98*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

bestowed.  •  It  must  follow  as  a  reward  for  noble 
actions  bravely  done,  for  unrequited,  tireless  toil, 
for  sacrifices  made  and  strength  displayed,  for 
trusts  discharged  and  pledges  kept.  We  must 
seek  a  leader  whose  public  and  private  life  most 
nearly  exemplifies  his  party's  highest  ideals  ; 
who  stands  unqualifiedly  pledged  to  every  issue 
we  declare;  who  will  carry  the  standard  we  place 
in  his  hands,  even  as  the  Black  Douglas  carried 
the  sacred  casket  that  enclosed  the  heart  of 
Bruce. 

His  Party's  Savior. 

"  Democratic  skies  are  tinged  with  a  rosier 
hue  to-day  than  when  we  met  in  convention  four 
years  ago.  Then  the  financial  cataclysm  had 
spread  over  the  country,  and  although  its  every 
inducing  cause  was  easily  traced  to  the  errors 
and  follies  of  the  Republican  party,  yet  we  were 
in  power  when  it  came,  and  were  wrongly  held 
responsible  for  the  wreck  of  shattered  fortunes 
which  followed  in  its  wake. 

''  Torn  asunder  by  dissensions  within  and  dis- 
asters without,  our  party  faced  a  gloomy  and 
foreboding  future  which  seemed  to  augur  its 
dissolution.  The  problem  then  ^was  to  select  a 
standard  bearer  bold  enough  to  cover  the  rear 
of  a  retreat  and  save  the  party  from  destruc- 
tion, if  not  from  defeat. 

"  While  Discord  with  her  flaming  torch  con- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *99 

fused  the  counsels  there,  from  out  the  sunset 
realm  a  cliampion  came  and  bade  defiance  to  the 
oncoming  host.  With  the  strength  of  youth  and 
the  wisdom  of  age,  with  knightly  mien  and 
matchless  speech,  he  towered  above  his  peers, 
and  all  who  saw  him  then  with  one  accord  did 
hail  him  chief  and  give  our  part3^'s  banner  to  his 
hand.  Slowly  despair  gave  way  to  hope ;  con- 
fidence took  the  place  where  timorous  fear  had 
been ;  the  broken,  shattered  columns  formed 
again,  and  behind  him,  singing,  came  six  mil- 
lion five  hundred  thousand  valiant  men  to  that 
unequal  fight. 

An  Unconquered  Hero. 

"  And  the  story  of  how  well  he  fought,  how 
fearlessly  he  fell,  and  how  dearly  the  enemy's 
victory  was  bought,  has  all  gone  out  into  history 
now. 

''  Back  from  his  first  battle  he  came,  a  bafiled 
but  unconquered  hero  of  .the  rights  of  man. 
Conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  his  purpose  and 
cheered  by  the  belief  that  '  no  issue  is  ever  settled 
until  it  is  settled  right,'  he  cheerfully  acquiesced 
in  the  result  of  that  campaign  and  girded  his 
loins  for  the  next  great  contest  between  the  dol- 
lar and  the  man. 

''  For  four  years  he  has  waged  an  unceasing 
warfare    against    the    people's    enemy,    for    four 


100*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

years  lie  has  held  up  the  party's  standard,  and 
his  voice  has  cheered  the  hosts  of  Democracy  in 
every  State  and  Territory.  When  the  trusts 
began  to  increase  under  the  protection  of  a 
Republican  administration  he  was  the  first  to 
point  out  the  danger  and  prescribe  a  remedy. 

Compared  to  Hercules. 

"When  the  alarums  of  a  war  for  humanity 
roused  the  heroic  spirit  of  our  land  he  offered  his 
sword  to  his  country's  cause  on  the  day  that  war 
was  declared. 

"When  later  he  saw  the  administration  depart- 
ing from  the  ancient  landmarks  of  our  institu- 
tions, in  its  enchanted  dream  of  empire  and  mili- 
tarism, he  was  the  first  to  raise  a  warning  voice, 
and,  resigning  his  commission  on  the  day  the 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  he  threw  himself  into 
the  contest  for  the  rescue  of  the  Republic. 

"  Realizing  that  imperialism,  like  the  fabled 
Antaeus,  was  born  of  earth,  and  that,  contended 
with  upon  the  selfish,  worldly  plane  of  greed  and 
gold,  it  was  of  giant  strength,  and  if  thrown  down 
would  rise  again,  refreshed  from  contact  with  its 
mother  element,  he  like  the  mighty  Hercules, 
raised  it  above  the  sordid  sphere  from  which  its 
strength  was  drawn,  and  on  a  plane  of  lofty 
patriotism  he  strangled  it. 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *101 

Party  Harmony. 

^'  With  tiie  issues  now  clearly  drawn,  no  doubt 
remains  as  to  the  name  of  our  candidate.  On 
that  question  we  are  a  reunited  Democracy. 

^'  Already  worthy  allies,  differing  from  us 
rather  in  name  than  faith,  have  shouted  for  our 
gallant  leader  again,  and  every  State  and  Terri- 
tory has  instructed  its  delegates  to  this  Conven- 
tion to  vote  for  him  here.  So  it  only  remains  for 
Nebraska  to  pronounce  the  name  that  has  been 
thundered  forth  from  the  foot  of  Bunker  Hill,  and 
echoed  back  from  Sierra's  sunset  slope,  and  that 
reverberates  among  the  pine  clad,  snow  capped 
hills  of  the  North,  and  rises  up  from  the  slum- 
bering, flower  scented  savannahs  of  the  South, 
and  that  name  is  the  name  of  William  Jennings 
Bryan,  her  best  loved  son." 

Speeches  seconding  the  nomination  were  made 
by  Perkins,  of  Texas ;  Ex-Senator  White,  of  Cal- 
ifornia ;  Judge  Thompson,  of  Colorado ;  Lomax, 
of  Alabama  ;  Moore,  of  North  Carolina  ;  Senator 
Daniel,  of  Virginia ;  Ex-Governor  Pattison,  of 
Pennsylvania ;  John  H.  Wise,  of  Hawaii,  and 
several  others,  including  Mrs.  Cohen,  of  Utah,  a 
delegate  from  that  State. 

David  B.  Hill,  in  seconding  the  nomination  of 
William  J.  Bryan  for  President,  said  : 

''  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention — In    behalf    of    the     Democratic 


102*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

masses  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for  wliom  I 
assume  to  speak  on  tliis  occasion,  I  second  the 
nomination  which  has  been  made  from  the  State 
of  Nebraska.  William  J.  Bryan  does  not  belong 
to  Nebraska  alone ;  he  belongs  to  the  North  and 
the  South,  to  the  East  and  the  West — he  belongs 
to  the  whole  country  at  large.  It  is  a  nomina- 
tion already  made  in  the  hearts  and  affections 
of  the  American  people.  From  the  closing 
of  the  polls  four  years  ago  until  this  very  hour 
there  never  was  a  possibility  of  any  other  nomi- 
nation being  made. 

''  He  is  a  gentleman  who  needs  no  introduc- 
tion to  this  audience  nor  to  the  American  people. 
Nebraska  is  proud  of  him,  but  New  York  is 
proud  of  him  also.  For  four  years  he  has  up- 
held the  banner  of  Democracy  in  almost  every 
State  in  the  Union.  His  voice  has  been  heard, 
not  only  in  behalf  of  our  principles,  but  in  be- 
half of  the  cause  of  the  common  people,  in  behalf 
of  the  workingmen,  in  behalf  of  humanity.  He 
will  have  the   support  of  his  party — a  united 

party. 

Strong  with  the  Masses. 

"  He  is  strong — strong  with  the  masses,  strong 
with  the  farmers,  strong  with  the  artisan — 
stronger  even  than  his  own  cause.  His  integrity 
has  never  been  questioned  during  all  the  time  he 
has  been  under  the  gaze  of  the  American  people. 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *1Q3 

His  Statesmanship  has  been  exhibited  in  the 
halls  of  Congress.  No  others  have  served  dur- 
ing such  a  brief  period  that  made  such  an  im- 
pression upon  the  minds  and  hearts  and  con- 
science of  the  American  people. 

^'  This    Convention,    meeting   here   to-day   in 
this  most  beautiful  city,  surrounded  by  this  hos- 
pitable community,  was  indeed  the  proper  place 
to  nominate  this  candidate.     The  cause  he  rep- 
resents  is    peculiarly    the  cause    of  the  people. 
His  election  will  mean  honesty  and  integrity  in 
public  of6ce ;  it  will  mean   the   amelioration  of 
the  people  ;  it  will  mean  the  destruction  of  crim- 
inal trusts  and  monopolies  ;  it  will  mean  economy 
and  retrenchment  in  government  affairs  ;  it  will 
mean  supremacy  of  the  constitution  everywhere 
throughout  this  land  wherever  the  flag  floats ;   it 
will  mean  a  return  to  the  advocacy  of  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  it  will 
prove  a  blessing  not  only  to  those  who  vote  for 
him,  but  to  the  few  who  may  vote  against  him. 
Falls  Into  Line. 
''  I,  as  you  well  know,  was  one  of  those  who 
in  good  faith  doubted  the  wisdom  of  some  por- 
tions  of  the  platform,  doubted  the  propriety  of 
going   into   details    on    certain  portions  of  our 
financial  policy,  but  the  wisdom  of  this  Conven- 
tion has   determined  otherwise,  and  I  acquiesce 
cheerfully  in  the  decision. 


104*  DEMOCRATIC   CONVENTION,    1900. 

"  I  am  here  to  say  further  that  the  platform 
that  has  been  read  is  worthy  of  the  vote  and  ap- 
proval of  every  man  who  claims  to  be  a  Demo- 
crat in  this  country.  Those  who  do  not  admire 
some  portions  cannot  speak  for  others.  If  there 
are  some  issues  which  they  do  not  desire  to  pre- 
sent as  strongly  as  some  others  they  can  at  least 
talk  about  something  in  this  platform  that  is 
worthy  of  their  approval.  At  least,  in  some 
portions  of  this  country  the  paramount  issue  is- 
going  to  carry  and  carry  strongly.  This  is  the 
time  for  unity  and  not  for  division.  I  plead  to- 
night for  party  harmony  and  party  success.  I 
plead  because  of  the  dangers  which  confront  us. 
If  we  should  happen  to  be  defeated,  which  I  do 
not  believe,  what  will  follow  ? 

What  It  Means. 

"  It  means  the  restoration  of  a  federal  election 
law  ;  it  means  a  reduction  of  the  apportionment 
of  members  of  Congress  throughout  the  South- 
ern States  of  our  Union ;  it  means  a  consequent 
reduction  in  the  electoral  college  from  our 
Southern  States,  and  the  plea  of  necessity  will 
be  made  because  it  will  be  apparent  by  election 
day  that  some  of  the  newborn  States  of  the 
West,  which  they  had  relied  upon,  had  gone  over 
to  the  Democratic  party. 

'^  So  I  hurry  to  say  that  this  is  a  most  impor- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *]^q^ 

tant  election — important  for  our  party,  important 
for  our  country,  important  for  the  best  interests 
of  all  our  people.  I  liave  no  time  to  analyze 
this  platform.  We  are  speaking  of  men  and 
not  of  measures  now. 

"  This  nomination  will  meet  the  approval, 
based  upon  this  platform,  of  the  people  of  the 
East.  What  we  need  is  an  old-fashioned,  rous- 
ing Democratic  victory  throughout  this  land. 
That  will  mean  a  restoration  of  the  currency  of 
our  fathers.  That  will  mean  home  rule  for 
States.  That  will  mean  popular  government 
restored.  That  will  mean  the  supremacy  of 
equal  laws  throughout  the  country,  and  in  this 
great  result  which  we  hope  to  achieve  I  am  here 
to  say  simpl}^  in  conclusion  that  New  York  ex- 
pects to  join  with  you  with  her  thirty-six  elec- 
toral votes.'' 

Mr.  Bryan's  views  on  the  issues  of  the  cam- 
paign were  freely  set  forth  in  the  following  senti- 
ment for  Independence  Day  sent  to  an  Eastern 
journal : 

'^  The  campaign  of  1896  brought  out  the 
greatest  discussion  of  an  economic  subject  this 
country  has  seen  for  a  generation.  The  cam- 
paign of  1900  involves  not  only  economic  ques- 
tions, but  political  questions,  reaching  down  to 
the  fundamental  principles  of  government.  In 
1896  we  were  discussing  the  wrongs  of   men. 


106*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

This  year  we  shall  discuss  not  only  the  wrongs, 
but  the  rights  of  men." 


THIRD  DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  third  day  of  the  Convention  dawned  with 
the  accustomed  cool  breezes  still  blowing,  and 
the  sun  somewhat  less  liberal  with  its  heat.  The 
streets  and  the  hotels  were  still  vocal  with  a 
mighty  straggling  host  of  Kan  sans  and  Nebrask- 
ans,  and  the  shouters  were  everywhere,  as  in  the 
small  hours  of  the  night,  still  letting  off  their 
enthusiasm.  Long  before  the  hour  for  the  Con- 
vention to  be  called  to  order  the  great  hall  was 
filled  with  stout-lunged  men  and  gaily  dressed 
women.  The  serried  lines  of  color  around  the 
galleries  fluttered  and  buzzed  with  unabated  love- 
liness. 

A  volley  of  calls  for  favorite  sons  ran  around 
the  hall  as  the  delegates  came  in  and  took  their 
seats.  The  band  shared  the  hour  and  more  of 
waiting,  and  gave  the  crowd  for  the  hundredth 
time  "  Star  Spangled  Banner,"  ''  Red,  White  and 
Blue,"  and  '^  Dixie."  The  doorkeepers  had  been 
put  to  a  sense  of  their  responsibilities  during  the 
night,  and  the  crowd  that  were  let  in  on  all  the 
aisles  to  overslaugh  the  delegates  and  the  press 
seats  were  conspicuously  and  agreeably  absent. 


DEMOCKATIC  CONVENTION,    1900.  *107 

Prayer  Under  Difiaculties. 

It  was  fifteen  minutes  to  eleven  when  the  gavel 
called  for  order  and  the  long  arms  of  Chairman 
Richardson  began  to  undulate  through  the  air  in 
ail  effort  to  secure  silence  enough  to  give  oppor- 
tunity for  the  opening  prayer.  Just  as  the  chap- 
lain was  about  to  utter  his  prayer  the  ''  camera 
fiend  "  discharged  from  a  high  staff  a  flashlight 
that  set  off  another  roar  of  talk.  Again  the  noise 
suppresser  began  his  work,  and  the  prayer  had 
its  brief  chance.  Mr.  Richardson  had  exchanged 
his  little  pink  fan  for  a  big  palm  leaf,  which  did 
good  service  in  waving  down  the  interruptions  in 
the  galleries. 

Call  of  the  States  for  Nominations. 

The  first  instant  of  opportunity  under  the  call 
of  the  States  for  nominations  for  Vice  President 
was  seized  b}^  Alabama  to  yield  to  Illinois  for  a 
speech  from  Representative  Williams,  of  Illinois, 
to  nominate  Adlai  E.  Stevenson.  The  sound  of 
Stevenson's  name  set  off  a  little  shout  at  the  south 
end  of  the  hall,  but  there  was  no  enthusiasm  ap- 
parent in  the  vast  throng.  There  was  a  hitch  in 
the  recognition  of  Williams,  and  his  namesake, 
George  Fred,  of  Massachusetts,  was  seen  arguing 
with  Richardson,  then  as  if  it  were  a  choice  chance 
a  shout  began  for  him  in  the  north  gallery. 

Fully  tea  minutes  passed  before  the  matter 


108*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

was  settled,  and  Williams,  of  Illinois,  was  per- 
mitted to  begin.     He  began  : 

''  Illinois  desires  to  nominate  a  Democrat." 
The  crowd  cheered  the  idea  as  if  it  were  a  new 
point.  The  next  hit  was  the  declaration  that  the 
Illinois  man  was  "  not  a  rough  rider  but  a  swift 
rider,"  and  this  ignited  a  salute  from  the  galler- 
ies. Mr.  Williams  gave  a  long  and  loud  descrip- 
tion of  the  "  the  man  who,"  running  in  a  good 
biographical  snap  shot  of  the  affable  and  regular 
Illinoisan.  When  the  speech  closed  with  the 
name  of  Stevenson  the  Convention  jumped  to  its 
many  thousand  feet  and,  with  the  galleries, 
indulged  in  the  expected  shout. 

Towne's  Democracy  Defended. 

Connecticut  yielded  to  Minnesota,  and  a  dele- 
gate, Roesing,  ascended  the  platform  to  present 
the  name  of  Charles  R.  Towne,  and  did  so  in  a 
brilliant,  strong  speech  for  the  favorite  son  of  the 
North  Star  State.  He  bore  down  heavily  and  effec- 
tively on  the  declaration  that  Towne  was  a  Demo- 
crat on  Jeffersonian  and  Jacksonian  principles, 
who  knew  and  could  tell  why  he  was  a  Democrat. 
Moreover,  it  was  claimed  for  the  Minnesotan 
that  he  could  carry  the  Northwest  and  the  far 
West  beyond  all  manner  of  doubt. 

The  demonstration  that  greeted  the  close  of 
Roesing' s  speech  was  unique  and  full  of  signifi- 


DEMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *109 

cance.  It  showed  that  the  mandate  had  gone 
out  for  the  sacrifice  of  Towne.  The  talismanic 
signal  from  Mr.  Bryan,  for  which  thousands  of 


CHARI^ES   R.   TOWNE. 

men  had  been  looking  and  praying  through  the 
days  and  nights  of  the  Convention,  was  not  to 
come.  The  rockribbed  Democracy  of  the  South 
were  to  be  spared  the  humiliation  of  a  coalition 


110*  DEMOCRATIC   CONVENTION,   1900. 

with  the  Populists,  and  the  Silver  Republicans 
were  to  be  sent  home  to  get  what  consolation 
they  could  for  the  dreadful  result.  The  Con- 
vention sat  still.  With  the  exception  of  Minne- 
sota they  were  immovable.  The  Minnesota  men 
waved  flags  and  hats,  and  the  galleries  were  with 
them  in  a  mighty  shout  as  of  many  waters  rush- 
ing together. 

A  matronly  woman  in  a  white  waist  and  black 
skirt,  near  the  edge  of  the  west  gallery  near  the 
north  end  of  the  hall,  stood  bravely  up  with  a 
poster  portrait  of  Bryan  in  one  hand  and  her 
handkerchief  in  the  other  and  led  the  swaying, 
rhythmic  chorus  of  cheers  back  and  forth.  She 
cheered,  and  the  crowd  began  to  centre  its  atten- 
tion on  and  to  cheer  with  her. 

The  Crowd  Resented  Restraint. 

Booming  through  the  deafening  roar  the  gavel 
failed  to  check  the  tide.  Restraint  even  provoked 
resentment,  and  the  yells  reached  a  higher  pitch. 
The  galleries  believed  their  favorite  had  been 
whistled  down  the  wind  by  some  conclave  of 
bosses  in  the  night.  The  more  they  yelled  the 
stiller  sat  the  obedient  sphinxes  on  the  floor. 
But  Minnesota  kept  her  sacrificial  cry  going,  and 
here  and  there  a  man  would  rise  and  wave  his 
hat  or  handkerchief.  Still  the  woman  with  the 
poster  kept  up  her  pendulant  swing,  and  the 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1000.  *111 

crowd  more  and  more  timed   its   noise   to   her 
movement. 

A  stout  man  was  seen  climbing  over  the  deco- 
rations that  hung  from  the  gallery  rail,  and  to 
go  to  the  woman  and  try  to  stop  her  cheering, 
but  she  never  stopped  a  muscle  as  she  gave  a 
short  answer  hot  from  the  tongue.  The  man 
turned,  and  it  was  seen  that  he  was  Representa- 
tive Shafroth,  of  Colorado.  He  leaped  upon  the 
railing  and  himself  waved  a  flag,  and  made  a 
gesture  that  seemed  to  say,  "  It's  all  right."  The 
crowd  redoubled  the  cheers.  The  band  played 
''  Star  Spangled  Banner."  By  this  time  scores 
of  delegates  were  on  their  feet  cheering,  but  New 
York  and  the  South  sat  silent  as  the  eternal  hills. 
The  Convention  was  never  at  one  time  on  its  feet. 

Attempts  to  Check  the  Noise. 

Chairman  Richardson  kept  pounding,  Ser- 
geant-at- Arms  Martin  deprecated  with  his  fan, 
but  they  were  but  puffs  against  the  ocean  of 
noise.  Governor  Thomas,  of  Colorado,  w^as  seen 
standing  as  if  to  speak,  but  it  had  no  effect  on 
the  gale  of  cheers.  That  had  the  scene  all  to 
itself,  and  proposed  to  rage  until  its  strength  was 
exhausted.  Thomas  started  to  speak.  A  knot 
of  students  in  the  east  gallery  cried  :  "  Towne  ! 
Towne !  Towne !  Towne  !  Towne !  like  the 
marching  tap  of  a  drum. 


112*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

This  angered  Martin,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms, 
and  he  threatened  to  clear  the  galleries  if  the 
offending  was  repeated.  Several  times  he  hurled 
this  threat  towards  points  where  the  name  of 
Towne  was  heard.  He  told  the  story  all  too 
plainly  of  hard  and  fast  instructions  to  suppress 
and  prevent  a  demonstration  for  Towne.  At  last 
Ex-Senator  White's  megaphone  voice  was  heard 
calling  for  order.  ''  I  shall  move  the  clearance 
of  the  galleries  if  we  cannot  have  order/'  he 
roared.  The  Thomas  speech  could  go  on,  but 
there  must  have  been  little  satisfaction  in  it,  for 
little  attention  was  paid  to  him,  and  the  crowd 
kept  control  of  the  hall. 

Tammany  Names  Hill. 

The  storm  of  joy  at  the  name  of  Towne  had 
held  its  sway  for  fifteen  minutes.  Here  Dela- 
ware was  called,  and  yielded  for  State  Senator 
Grady,  of  New  York,  whose  first  sentence  was  : 
''  I  present  to  this  Convention  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Vice-Presidency  the  name  of  David  B.  Hill." 
As  if  a  button  had  been  touched,  the  scene  was 
transformed  into  a  chaos  of  sound  and  motion 
again.  The  Convention  this  time  jumped  up 
like  one  man.  It  was  such  an  outburst  as  had 
been  given  before  for  Bryan  and  for  Hill.  The 
New  York  standard  moved  to  the  platform. 
Tennessee  joined  it.      Then   rapidly  Alabama, 


i)EMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *113 

Mississippi,  West  Virginia,  Wisconsin,  Colo- 
rado, Nortli  Dakota,  Oregon  and  Massacliusetts 
gathered  there.  There,  too,  was  seen  the  blue 
silk  banner  of  Hawaii,  but.  the  rest  staid  in  their 
places.     Pennsylvania  never  moved. 

In  a  few  minutes  Senator  Hill  was  seen  gesti- 
culating in  the  New  York  delegation.  Then 
he  was  on  the  platform,  and  stood  with  bowed 
head  waiting  to  be  heard.  But  the  crowd  was 
not  yet  through  with  its  shout.  For  twenty- 
seven  minutes  the  hundreds  of  applauders  held 
the  proceedings  at  a  pause.  High  above  the 
babel  on  the  floor  Croker  was  heard  crying: 
"  No !  no  I  you  must  take  it !  "  •  Then  Orady 
went  on,  and  Hill  was  seen  to  sit  down.  Grady 
ran  his  appointed  course,  speaking  with  a  power- 
ful voice  the  praises  of  New  York's  favorite  son. 
^^  He  may  decline,"  said  Grady,  "  but  decline  or 
not,  New  York  is  united,  and  her  solid  72  votes 
will  be  cast  to  the  end  for  David  Bennett  Hill." 

Hill's  Unheeded  Protests. 

While  Grady  spoke  Hill  protested  to  Judge 
Van  Wyck  and  Chairman  Jones  against  being 
nominated.  "  This  is  unfair,"  he  said  several 
times.  Van  Wyck  tried  to  persuade  him  to  let 
the  movement  go  on.  It  was  clear  the  Conven- 
tion would  then  and  there  have  made  the  nomi- 
nation by  acclamation.  Chairman  Jones  sym- 
8— D 


114*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

pathized  with  Hill's  feeling,  and  told  liim  to  get 
up  and  decline  and  lie  should  have  his  help  to 
stem  the  tide.  The  hall  was  throbbing  with  ap- 
plause, steady,  loud  and  seemingly  incapable  of 
cessation. 

Now  Hill  rose  and  came  forward.  He  raised 
his  hand  for  silence,  and  slowly  and  regretfully 
the  applause  died  away,  and  he  could  speak. 
When  he  said  he  could  not  accept  the  nomina- 
tion, the  delegates  almost  in  one  voice  shouted : 
"  Yes  you  can !  "  and  there  were  cries  all  along 
the  galleries  of  ^' yes,  yes,  yes!"  Again  and 
again  there  broke  in  on  him  the  cry,  "You  must, 
you  must."  The  applause  began  as  he  left  the 
platform  and  went  back  to  his  seat  in  the  dele- 
gation. A  crowd  of  delegates  from  New  York 
and  the  adjoining  States  closed  in  about  him  and 
grasped  him  by  the  hand.  The  cheering  went 
on  again  until  once  more  order  was  secured  and 
Georgia  was  called. 

Mr.  Hutchinson,  of  that  State,  made  a  short 
and  spirited  speech  seconding  the  nomination  of 
Stevenson.  "  The  Empire  State  of  the  South 
always  rolls  up  a  big  Democratic  majority,  no 
matter  what  the  platform  or  who  the  candidate." 

When  Illinois  was  called,  Mr.  Kennedy,  of 
Connecticut,  in  return  for  the  courtesy  that 
Connecticut  had  shown  in  yielding  to  IllinoiSj 
was  recognized  to  second  Stevenson. 


T'EMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *115 

Lewis's  Name  Presented. 

Idaho  yielded  to  Washington,  and  W.  H. 
Dunpliy  pnt  in  a  sonorons  nomination  of  ex- 
Representative  James  Hamilton  Lewis,  wlio  sat 
on  the  edge  of  the  platform  during  the  encom- 
iums pronounced  by  his  fellow  Democrats.  His 
feet  hung  over  the  edge  of  the  stage,  and  he 
bowed  his  blonde  head  and  covered  his  face  with 
his  hand  as  if  in  prayer.  The  audience  set  up 
a  prolonged  cheer ;  the  hundreds  of  newspaper 
men  joined  with  vociferous  shouts  of  "  Lewis, 
Lewis,  Lewis  !"  Mr.  Lewis  looked  towards  his 
friends  of  the  press  and  smiled,  as  if  he  recog- 
nized that  he  received  an  ovation,  the  more  grati- 
fying because  it  was,  perhaps,  the  most  intelli- 
gent applause  of  the  day. 

Indiana  gave  Representative  Jones,  of  Vir- 
ginia, opportunity  to  endorse  Stevenson  in  a 
short,  strong  speech  from  the  floor. 

Cato  Sells,  of  Iowa,  announced  that  his  State 
was  for  Stevenson.  Kansas  said  not  a  word. 
When  Kentucky  was  called  the  galleries  shouted 
for  Blackburn,  but  the  gallant  Kentuckian  did 
not  respond.  Ex-Governor  McGreary,  however, 
made  a  resounding  endorsement  of  Stevenson, 
claiming  him  as  a  native  son  of  the  State.  A 
Louisiana  delegate  spoke  for  David  B.  Hill,  and 
renewed  the  applause  for  the  New  Yorker. 
Maryland,  through  A.  Leo  Knott,  one  of  Presi- 


116*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  1900. 

dent  Cleveland's  Assistant  Postmaster-Generals, 
presented  in  an  earnest  way  the  name  of  Gover- 
nor Smithj  of  tliat  State. 

An  Appeal  for  Towna 

Then  came  George  Fred  Williams,  with  the 
endorsement  of  Massachusetts  for  Towne.  Wil- 
liams reasoned,  argued,  talked  practical  and 
moral  politics  and  appealed  for  consideration  for 
the  Sioux  Falls  ticket  and  the  Silver  Repub- 
licans. He  spun  fine  compliments  for  New 
York,  as  if  he  feared  a  stampede  to  Hill  after  all, 
and  declared  Towne  was  the  peer  intellectually 
and  morally  of  Bryan. 

There  were  interruptions  from  all  parts  of  the 
floor.     "  We  want  a  Democrat,"  said  some  one. 

^'  He  is  as  much  a  Democrat  as  any  man  in 
this  Convention,"  shouted  Williams,  as  he  whirl- 
ed and  sat  down. 

Minnesota  gave  Mr.  Cummings,  of  Connecti- 
cut, a  chance  to  second  the  Towne  nomination,, 
and  another  big  cheer  was  started.  Senator 
Money  spoke  for  Mississippi,  and  as  an  exponent 
of  the  feeling  in  the  South  against  the  Populists. 

Governor  Stone  as  a  Peacemaker. 

Then  a  big  shout  arose  from  the  north  end  of 
the  hall,  around  the  Missouri  seats,  as  ex-Gover- 
nor Stone  elbowed  his  way  to  the  platform,  the 


DEMOCR.'vTIC   CONVENTION,    1900. 


117 


cheers  being  encouraged  by  "  Dixie  "  from  the 
band.  Governor  Stone  took  the  stand  of  a  paci- 
icator.     He  turned   down  Senator  Money ^s  com- 


ADLAI  E.    STEVENSON. 

ment   on    the    Populists,  complimented    Senator 
Teller  and  Towne,  and  declared  for  Stevenson. 

Nevada  presented  Representative  Newlands  as 
a  Towne  spokesman,  and  appealed  for  fair  play 


118*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

for  His  man,  who,  lie  said,  would  be  now  a  mem- 
ber of  tbe  Convention  as  a  Democrat  in  good 
and  regular  standing  if  be  had  not  obeyed  tbe 
request  of  tbe  Democratic  leaders  in  1896  and 
remained  with  tbe  Silver  Republican  organiza- 
tion. In  closing  Newlands  said  Towne  would 
prove  to  tbe  people  tbat  Lincoln  Republicanism 
and  Bryan  Democracy  were  tbe  same. 

Ex- Representative  Sowden,  of  Allen  town, 
Pennsylvania,  seconded  tbe  nomination  of  Ste- 
venson in  a  speech  tbat  was  beard  by  only  a  few. 

South  Carolina,  from  the  floor,  declared  for 
Stevenson,  Tennessee  for  Hill. 

Jonathan  Lane,  a  slender  young  man,  made  a 
spirited  appeal  for  the  regular  old  fashioned 
Democracy  of  which  Stevenson  was  tbe  type. 
He  told  how  it  made  the  hearts  of  Texan s  warm 
with  delight  when  Adlai  was  First  Assistant 
Postmaster  General  and  knew  the  difference 
between  Republicans  and  Democrats. 

Wisconsin  Not  Agreed. 

Then  G.  S.  Cooper,  of  Superior,  Wis.,  a  next 
door  neighbor  of  Mr.  Towne,  made  a  most  earn- 
est appeal  for  his  friend.  Mr.  Cooper  talked 
practical  politics,  and  tried  to  convince  tbe  Con- 
vention that  Towne  could  bring  more  strength  to 
the  party  than  any  other  man,  Democrat  or 
otherwise,  who  could  be  named.   The  speech  was 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *119 

a  hit.  Its  earnestness  seemed  more  likely  to 
produce  a  stampede  than  anything  yet  heard  in 
the  oratory  of  the  day,  but  the  force  of  this  speech 
was  sadly  broken  when,  as  Mr.  Cooper  went  down 
from  the  platform.  Mayor  Rose,  of  Milwaukee, 
jumped  up  on  the  edge  of  the  press  gallery  and 
shouted  :  ''  Mr.  Chairman,  1  am  instructed  by  the 
Wisconsin  delegation  to  state  that  Wisconsin 
will  vote  for  Adlai  E.  Stevenson."  This  was 
cheered  just  as  loudly  as  Cooper's  speech. 

The  Taking  of  the  Ballot. 

A  busy  hum  set  in  with  the  expectation  of  an 
immediate  roll  call  for  votes.  The  Reading  Sec- 
retaries stood  at  the  end  of  the  platform.  As  the 
names  of  the  States  were  called  the  delegation 
Chairmen  announced  the  votes  of  their  delega- 
tions. First  one  Secretary  announced  the  result 
and  then  the  other,  so  that  in  every  part  of  the 
hall  it  was  possible  to  keep  tally  and  know  the 
result  as  soon  as  it  was  known  at  the  desk.  As 
the  first  few  States,  including  Arkansas,  Califor- 
nia, Connecticut  and  Indiana,  began  to  split  their 
votes,  and  the  name  of  Towne  was  repeated,  there 
was  a  feeling  of  hope  that,  after  all,  the  ]\Iinne- 
sotan  might  be  given  the  fair  chance  for  life. 

But  as  the  list  went  on  down  to  Iowa,  Kansas 
and  Kentucky  voting  solidly  for  Stevenson  and 
plunking  seventy-two  votes  almost  in  a  bunch  to 


120*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

his  credit,  it  became  a  foregone  conclusion  tliat 
Stevenson  was  tlie  coming  man.  New  Jersey  and 
New  York  swelled  tHe  Hill  column  to  ninety-two 
votes.  Almost  as  soon  as  Hawaii's  six  votes 
were  cast  it  was  seen  that  Stevenson  Had  nearly 
reached  the  two-thirds ;  that  Hill  had  but  200, 
and  Towne  only  127,  with  a  half  vote  additional 
that  came  from  Oklahoma.  The  galleries  cheered 
all  down  the  roll  of  States,  every  candidate  hav- 
ing his  host  of  admiring  friends. 

A  Scramble  to  Get  with  the  Winner. 
At  the  close  of  the  vote  there  was  great  confu- 
sion, but  Tennessee  was  heard  above  the  din, 
changing  from  Hill  to  Stevenson.  The  changes 
came  hot  and  fast  from  California,  Hawaii,  Flor- 
ida, Nebraska,  Dakota,  Montana,  and  then  the 
standards  rushed  up  around  the  desk,  and  the 
clerks  were  nearly  swamped  with  a  deluge  of 
changes.  After  order  was  restored  the  roll  of 
States  that  divided  their  votes  was  called,  and 
they  rapidly  transferred  the  odds  and  ends  of  the 
whole  column  to  Stevenson.  The  New  York 
delegates  had  no  interest  in  the  subsequent  pro- 
ceedings, and,  w^ith  Croker  in  the  lead,  hurried 
out  of  the  hall. 

Nomination  Made  Unanimous. 
Senator  Tillman  moved  to  make  the  nomina- 
tion unanimous,  and  at  3.06  a  big  shout  regis- 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *121 

tered  the  wish  of  the  Convention  that  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson  ^hould  be  the  unanimous  nominee  of 
the  Democratic  party  for  the  office  of  Vice  Presi- 
dent. 

Speech  Nominating  Stevenson. 

When  the  call  of  the  roll  of  States  was  begun 
Arkansas  yielded  to  Illinois,  and  Congressman 
Williams,  of  the  latter  State,  made  the  speech 
nominating  Stevenson.     He  said  : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Illinois  is 
grateful  to  Arkansas  for  this  evidence  of  her 
regard.  The  united  Democracy  of  Illinois  de- 
sires to  present  to  this  Convention  for  the  next 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States  a  Democrat. 
[Cheers.]  One  who  drew  his  first  breath  from  the 
pure  Democratic  atmosphere  of  old  Kentucky. 

"  One  baptized  in  the  great  and  growing 
Democracy  of  Illinois.  One  who  has  stood 
squarely  on  every  Democratic  platform  since  he 
became  a  voter.  One  who  has  twice  represented 
in  Congress  a  district  overwhelmingly  Repub- 
lican. One  who  is  not  a  rough  rider,  but  a  swift 
rider.  Not  a  warrior,  but  a  statesman.  A  man 
who  stands  for  civil  government  against  military 
rule.  A  man  who  believes  that  a  President  of 
the  United  States  who  ignores  the  Constitution, 
as  the  present  Republican  President  has  done, 
must  be  one  who  loves  his  own  glory  far  more 
than  he  loves  the  Republic, 


122*  DEMOCEATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

"  A  man  who  believes  that  American  despotism 
is  no  better  than  any  other  despotism.  A  man 
who  places  human  blood  above  human  greed.  A 
man  who  will  not  trade  away  the  precious  life  of 
an  American  soldier  for  a  nugget  of  gold  in  the 
Philippine  Islands.  A  man  who  would  not  give 
the  3,000  or  3,500  brave  American  soldiers, 
whom  McKinley  has  sacrificed  in  that  hotbed  of 
disease  of  destruction,  for  all  the  islands  in  the 
seas.  A  man  who,  during  four  years  of  faithful 
administration  as  First  Assistant  Postmaster 
General  of  the  United  States,  demonstrated  that 
he  knows  a  Republican  when  he  sees  him  in  an 
office  that  belongs  to  a  Democrat.     [Applause.] 

''  Nominate  our  man  and  you  will  not  have  to 
explain  any  speech  made  against  Democracy,  for 
he  has  never  made  any  of  that  kind.  A  man  in 
the  full  strength  of  his  manhood,  able  to  canvass 
any  State  in  this  Union.  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention, Illinois  makes  no  exaggeration  when 
she  tells  you  that  in  that  great  State  the  condi- 
tions are  far  better,  the  prospects  are  much 
brighter  for  Democracy  than  in  1892,  when  our 
candidate  for  Vice  President  carried  it  by  30,000 
majority.  We  have  a  State  ticket  stronger  than 
we  ever  had  before. 

^'We  have  but  one  Democracy  in  Illinois.  We 
voice  the  sincere  sentiment  of  the  Democracy  cf 
Illinois  when  we  ask  you  to  nominate  a  man 


DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900.  *123 

whose  name  we  will  present ;  a  man  who  has 
been  tried,  gone  through  the  contest,  and  no 
weak  spots  found  in  his  armor ;  a  man  whose 
high  character  and  ability  recommend  him  to  the 
people  in  every  part  of  this  Republic ;  a  man 
who  possesses  all  the  noble  attributes  of  a  noble 
man,  great  enough  and  good  enough  to  be  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  with  a  platform  that 
reads  like  a  Bible,  and  with  these  two  faithful 
Democrats  standing  together,  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
we  can  sweep  criminal  aggression  and  McKinley 
liyprocrisy  off  the  face  of  the  earth. 

''  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  we  now  pre- 
sent to  you  the  choice  of  the  united  Democracy 
of  our  States,  that  distinguished  statesman,  that 
splendid,  vigorous,  reliable  Democrat,  Ex- Vice- 
President  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois." 

Ex-Congressman  Sowden,  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
seconding  the  nomination  of  Stevenson  said : 

^'  On  behalf  of  this  great  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  cast  over  430,000  votes  for 
the  matchless  leader,  William  Jennings  Bryan, 
in  1896,  I  appear  to  second  the  nomination  of  one 
who,  as  Congressman,  as  Postmaster-General  and 
as  Vice-President,  was  ever  faithful  to  his  official 
duties  and  who  has  always  been  loyal  to  the 
Democratic  party. 

''  He  is  pre-eminently  an  old-fashioned  Demo- 
crat, one  of  the  plain  people,  always  loyal  to 


124*  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,   1900. 

their  interests.  As  a  Congressman  he  nniformly 
voted  for  such  legislation  as  advanced  the  ma- 
terial prosperity  of  his  country  and  the  great 
mass  of  the  people.  As  an  Executive  officer,  he 
was  always  accessible  and  obliging,  and,  as  the 
presiding  officer  of  the  United  States  Senate  he 
commanded  the  respect  and  confidence  of  every 
member  of  that  high  and  honorable  body.  He  is 
honest,  upright  and  capable,  and  withal  a  Demo- 
crat. 

"  You  have  adopted  a  superb  platform  upon 
which  every  Democrat  can  stand,  and  against  its 
Americanism  no  patriotic  citizen  can  take  excep 
tion.  Upon  it  you  have  nominated  one  of  the 
grandest  American  statesmen  of  the  day,  William 
Jennings  Bryan.  If  you  supplement  your  good 
work  by  the  nomination  of  Adlai  E.  Stevenson 
you  may  rest  assured  that  it  will  be  ratified  at 
the  polls  next  November." 

Mr.  Bryan  then  sent  the  following  message : 

Hon.  Adlai  Stevenson,  Bloomington,  111. 

Accept  congratulations  upon  your  nomination. 
It  was  a  deserved  recognition  of  party  service. 

W.  J.  Bryan. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 
PRINCIPLES. 

Free  coinage  of  silver  at  tHe  ratio  of  i6  to  i. 

Constitution  declared  to  follow  the  flag. 

''  Imperialism "  regarded  as  the  paramount 
issue. 

Republican  policy  in  dealing  with  new  posses- 
sions denounced. 

Filipinos  must  not  be  citizens,  though  they  are 
declared  to  be  under  the  Constitution. 

Private  monopolies  condemned ;  Dingley  tariff 
called  a  trust-breeding  measure. 

Gold  standard  legislation  denounced. 

National  banks  denounced. 

Election  of  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

"  Government  by  injunction  "  opposed. 

Arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  labor  dis- 
putes. 

Department  of  Labor  favored. 

Liberal  pensions  to  soldiers  and  sailors. 

Nicaragua  Canal  under  American  control ;  the 
Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty  denounced. 

Statehood  for  Arizona,  New  Mexico  and  Okla- 
homa ;  Territorial  government  for  Alaska  and 
Porto  Rico. 

Improvement  of  arid  lands. 

Enforcement  and  extension  of  Chinese  exclu- 
sion law. 

*125 


PLATFORM  OF   THE    SILVER    REPUBLICANS 

At  Kansas  City,  July  6tli,  1900,  the  National 
Silver  Republican  Convention  nominated  W.  J. 
Bryan  for  President  by  acclamation,  after  having 
adopted  a  strong  silver  platform,  as  agreed  upon 
the  night  before  by  the  committee  on  resolutions. 

There  was  a  design  in  holding  the  Convention 
on  this  date  and  at  Kansas  City,  as  the  Silver 
Republicans  wished  to  be  in  touch  with  the 
Democrats,  and  it  was  understood  beforehand 
that  Mr.  Bryan  would  be  the  choice  of  the 
party  for  President. 

The  platform  as  finally  adopted  by  the  Conven- 
tion reads  as  follows  : 

*'  We,  the  Silver  Republican  party,  in  national 
convention  assembled,  declare  these  as  our  prin- 
ciples, and  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  who 
agree  therewith  : 

"  We  are  in  favor  of  a  graduated  tax  upon  in- 
comes and,  if  necessary  to  accomplish  this,  we 
favor  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

''  We  believe  that  the  United  States  Senators 

ought  to  be  elected  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people, 

and  we  favor  such  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 

and  such  legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  that 

end. 

126* 


SILVER  REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION.  *127 

Trusts. 

"  Combinations,  trusts  and  monopolies  con- 
trived and  arranged  for  the  purpose  of  controlling 
tlie  prices  and  quantity  and  articles  supplied  to 
the  public  are  unjust,  unlawful  and  oppressive. 
Not  only  do  these  unlawful  conspiracies  fix  the 
prices  of  commodities  in  many  cases,  but  they 
invade  every  branch  of  the  State  and  National 
government  with  their  polluting  influence  and 
control  the  actions  of  their  employes  and  de- 
pendents in  private  life  until  their  influence 
actually  imperils  society  and  the  liberty  of  the 
citizen.  We  declare  against  them.  We  demand 
the  most  stringent  laws  for  their  destruction  and 
the  most  severe  punishment  of  their  promoters 
and  maintainers  and  the  energetic  enforcement 
of  such  laws  by  the  courts. 

The  Inter-Oceanic  Canal. 

'^  We  believe  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  be  sound 
in  principle  and  a  wise  national  policy  and  we 
demand  a  firm  adherence  thereto.  We  condemn 
acts  inconsistent  with  it  and  that  tend  to  make 
us  parties  to  the  interests  and  to  involve  us  in 
the  controversies  of  European  nations,  and  to 
recognition  by  pending  treaty  of  the  right  of 
England  to  be  considered  in  the  construction  of 
an  inter-oceanic  canal.  We  declare  that  such 
canal,  when   constructed,  ought  to  be  controlled 


128*  SILYEK  EEPUBLTCAN  CONVENTION. 

by  the  United  States  in  the  interests  of  American 
nations. 

^'  We  are  in  favor  of  the  principles  of  direct 
legislation.  In  view  of  the  great  sacrifice  made 
and  patriotic  services  rendered  we  are  in  favor  of 
liberal  pensions  to  deserving  soldiers,  their 
widows,  orphans  and  other  dependents.  We  be- 
lieve that  enlistment  and  service  should  be  ac- 
cepted as  conclusive  proof  that  the  soldier  was 
free  from  disease  and  disability  at  the  time  of 
his  enlistment.  We  condemn  the  present  ad- 
ministration of  the  pension  laws. 

Sympathy  for  the  Boers. 

"  We  tender  to  the  patriotic  people  of  the 
South  African  Republics  our  sympathy  and  ex- 
press our  admiration  for  them  in  their  heroic 
attempts  to  preserve  their  political  freedom  and 
maintain  their  national  independence.  We  de- 
clare the  destruction  of  these  republics  and  the 
subjugation  of  their  people  to  be  a  crime  against 
civilization. 

Adherence  to  Bimetallism. 

"  We  declare  our  adherence  to  the  principle  of 
bimetallism  as  the  right  basis  of  a  monetary 
system  under  our  National  Constitution,  a  prin- 
ciple that  found  place  repeatedly  in  Republican 
platforms  from  the  demonetization  of  silver  in  1873 
to  the  St.  Louis  Republican  Convention  in  1896. 


SILVER  REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION  *129 

"  We  declare  it  to  be  our  intention  to  lend  our 
efforts  to  the  repeal  of  the  present  currency  law, 
which  not  only  repudiates  the  ancient  and  time- 
honored  principles  of  the  American  people  be- 
fore the  Constitution  was  adopted,  but  is  viola- 
tive of  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  itself; 
and  we  shall  not  cease  our  efforts  until  there  has 
been  established  in  its  place  a  monetary  system 
based  upon  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  and  gold  into  money  at  the  present  legal 
ratio  of  i6  to  i  by  the  independent  action  of  the 
United  States,  under  which  system  all  paper 
money  shall  be  issued  by  the  government,  and 
all  such  money  coined  or  issued  shall  be  a  full 
legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and 
private,  without  exception. 

War  Taxes. 

"  There  being  no  longer  any  necessity  for  col- 
lecting war  taxes,  we  demand  the  repeal  of  the 
war  taxes  levied  to  carry  on  the  war  with  Spain. 

"  We  favor  the  immediate  admission  into  the 
Union  of  States  the  Territories  of  Arizona,  New 
Mexico  and  Oklahoma. 

''  We  demand  that  our  nation's  promises  to 
Cuba  shall  be  fulfilled  in  every  particular. 

"  We  believe  the  national  government  should 
lend  every  aid  and  encouragement  and  assistance 
toward  the  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the 

9-D 


130*  SILVER  REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION. 

United  States  and  to  that  end  we  are  in  favor  of 
a  comprehensive  survey  thereof,  and  an  imme- 
diate ascertainment  of  the  water  supply  available 
for  such  reclamation,  and  we  believe  it  to  be  the 
duty  of  the  general  government  to  provide  for 
the  construction  of  storage  reservoirs  and  irriga- 
tion works  so  that  the  water  supply  of  the  arid 
region  may  be  utilized  to  the  greatest  possible 
extent  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  while  pre- 
serving all  rights  of  the  State. 

Domestic  Industries. 

"  Transportation  is  a  public  necessity,  and  the 
means  and  methods  of  it  are  matters  of  public 
concern.  Railway  companies  exercise  a  power 
over  industries,  business  and  commerce  which 
they  ought  not  to  do,  and  should  be  made  to 
serve  the  public  interests  without  making  un- 
reasonable  charges    or    unjust    discrimination. 

Favor  Public  Ownership. 

''  We  observe  with  satisfaction  the  growing  sen- 
timent among  the  people  in  favor  of  the  public 
ownership  and  operation  of  public  utilities. 

"  We  are  in  favor  of  expanding  our  commerce 
in  the  interests  of  American  labor  and  for  the 
benefit  of  all  our  people  by  every  honest  and 
peaceful  means.  Our  creed  and  our  history 
justify  the  nations  of  the  earth  in  expecting  that 


SILVER  EEPUBLICAN  CONVENTION.  *131 

wherever  the  Araerican  flag  is  unfurled  in  au- 
thority, human  liberty  and  political  liberty  will 
be  found.  We  protest  against  the  adoption  of 
any  policy  that  will  change,  in  the  thought  of 
the  world,  the  meaning  of  our  flag. 

"  We  are  opposed  to  the  importation  of  Asiatic 
laborers  in  competition  with  American  labor  and 
a  more  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws  relating 
thereto. 

''  The  Silver  Republican  party  of  the  United 
States  in  the  foregoing  principles  seek  to  perpet- 
uate the  spirit  and  to  adhere  to  the  teachings  of 
Abraham  Lincoln." 

Canal  Plank  Changed. 

A  substitute  for  the  Nicaraguan  Canal,  pro- 
viding that  the  canal  be  immediately  constructed, 
and  that  it  be  built,  owned  and  defended  by  the 
United  States,  was  adopted. 

The  platform  was  adopted  with  a  thunder  of 
''  ayes." 

A  wrangle  followed  the  introduction  of  a  reso- 
lution by  a  Nebraska  delegate  making  the  por- 
trait of  Lincoln  the  party  emblem.  Congress- 
man Shafroth,  of  Colorado,  objected,  on  the 
ground  that  such  action  would  make  the  ballots 
illegal  in  several  States.  The  resolution  was 
finally  withdrawn. 


132*  SILVER   REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION. 

Bryan  Nomination  Quickly  Made. 

Senator  Teller  launched  into  an  eloquent  trib- 
ute to  Bryan.  He  knew  every  other  Democrat 
of  prominence  in  the  party,  and  he  asserted  that 
there  was  not  one  of  them  who  had  a  ghost  of  a 
chance  of  a  nomination,  nor  had  they  had  any 
such  chance  since  1896. 

Long-continued  cheering  followed  the  nomina- 
tion. Delegates  stood  on  their  chairs,  waved 
hats  and  flags,  and  shouted  acclaims  of  the 
Nebraska  statesman  until  they  could  shout  no 
more. 

H.  S.  Hazzard,  of  California,  made  the  first 
seconding  speech  of  the  nomination  of  Bryan, 
and  he  was  followed  by  Senator  Ransom,  of 
Nebraska,  who  declared  that  the  Silver  Republi- 
cans of  Nebraska  were  not  for  Bryan  because  he 
is  from  Nebraska,  but  because  he  is  an  American 
and  has  no  English  ideas.  Senator  Ransom 
concluded :  /'  We  nominate  him  as  the  incarna- 
tion and  personification  of  Americanism." 

At  the  afternoon  session  Mr.  Towne  asked  the 
Convention  not  to  nominate  him  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  and  asked  the  support  of  the  silver 
Republicans  for  the  Democratic  nominee. 

By  a  practically  unanimous  vote  the  Conven- 
tion referred  the  Vice-Presidential  nomination  to 
the  national  committee,  with  plenary  powers, 
and  the  Convention  adjourned  sine  die. 


r 


NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM.  *133 

NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 

At  the  large  and  enthusiastic  National  Prohibi- 
tion Convention  held  at  Chicago,  June  27  and 
28,  1900,  Hon.  John  G.  Wooley,  of  Illinois, 
was  nominated  for  President,  and  Hon.  Henry 
B.  Metcalf,  of  Rhode  Island,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  following  Platform  was  unanimously 
adopted  : 

I.  We  accept  and  assert  the  definition  given 
by  Edmund  Burke  that  "  a  party  is  a  body  of 
men  joined  together  for  the  purpose  of  promot- 
ing by  their  joint  endeavor,  that  national  interest 
upon  some  particular  principle  upon  which  they 
are  all  agreed."  We  declare  that  there  is  no 
principle  now  advocated,  by  any  other  party, 
which  could  be  made  a  fact  of  government  with 
such  beneficent  moral  and  material  results  as  the 
principle  of  Prohibition  applied  to  the  beverage 
liquor  traffic ;  that  the  national  interest  could  be 
promoted  in  no  other  way  so  surely  and  widely 
as  by  its  adoption  and  assertion  through  a  na- 
tional policy  and  the  co-operation  therein  of 
every  Slate,  forbidding  the  manufacture,  sale, 
exportation,  importation  and  transportation  of 
intoxicating  liquors  for  beverage  purposes. 

We  submit  that  the  Democratic  and  Repub- 
lican parties  are  alike  insincere  in  their  assumed 
hostility  to  trusts   and  monopolies.     They  dare 


134*         NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 

not  and  do  not  attack  tlie  most  dangerous  of 
them  all,  tlie  liquor  power.  So  long  as  the 
saloon  debauches  the  citizen  and  breeds  the  pur- 
chasable voter,  money  will  continue  to  buy  its 
way  to  power.  Break  down  this  traffic,  elevate 
manhood,  and  a  sober  citizenship  will  find  a  way 
to  control  dangerous  combinations  of  capital. 

The  Issue  Presented. 

2.  We  re-affirm  as  true  and  indisputable  the 
declaration  of  William  Windom  when  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  in  the  Cabinet  of  President 
Arthur,  that  ^'  Considered  socially,  financially, 
politically  or  morally,  the  licensed  liquor  traffic 
is  or  ought  to  be  the  overwhelming  issue  in 
American  politics,  and  that  the  destruction  of 
this  iniquity  stands  next  on  the  calendar  of  the 
world's  progress." 

We  hold  that  the  existence  of  our  party  pre- 
sents this  issue  squarely  to  the  American  people 
and  lays  upon  them  the  responsibility  of  choice 
between  liquor  parties,  dominated  by  distillers 
and  brewers,  with  their  policy  of  saloon  perpet- 
uation breeding  waste,  wickedness,  woe,  pauper- 
ism, taxation,  corruption  and  crime,  and  our  one 
party  of  patriotic  and  moral  principle,  with  a 
policy  which  defends  it  from  domination  by  cor- 
rupt bosses  and  which  insures  it  forever  against 
the  blighting  control  of  saloon  politics. 


NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM.         *135 

The  President  Arraigned. 

3.  We  charge  upon  President  McKinley,  who 
was  elected  to  his  high  office  by  appeal  to  Chris- 
tian sentiment  and  patriotism  almost  unprece- 
dented and  by  a  combination  of  moral  influence 
never  before  seen  in  this  country,  that,  by  his 
conspicuous  example  as  a  wine-drinker  at  public 
banquets  and  as  a  wine-serving  host  in  the 
White  House,  he  has  done  more  to  encourage 
the  liquor  business,  to  demoralize  the  temperance 
habits  of  young  men,  and  to  bring  Christian 
practices  and  requirements  into  disrepute,  than 
any  other  President  this  Republic  has  had. 

We  further  charge  upon  President  McKinley 
responsibility  for  the  army  canteen,  with  all  its 
dire  brood  of  disease,  immorality,  sin  and  death, 
in  this  country,  in  Cuba,  in  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Philippines  ;  and  we  insist  that  by  his  attitude 
concerning  the  canteen,  and  his  apparent  con- 
tempt for  the  vast  number  of  petitions  and  peti- 
tioners protesting  against  it,  he  has  outraged  and 
insulted  the  moral  sentiment  of  this  country,  in 
such  a  manner,  and  to  such  a  degree,  as  calls 
for  its  righteous  uprising  and  his  indignant  and 
effective  rebuke. 

Foreign  Liquor  Power  Condemned. 

4.  We  deplore  the  fact  that  an  administration 
of  this  Republic  claiming  the  right  and  power 


136*         NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 

to  carry  our  flag  across  the  seas,  and  to  conquer 
and  annex  new  territory,  should  admit  its  lack 
of  power  to  prohibit  the  American  saloon  on 
subjugated  soil,  or  should  openly  confess  itself 
subject  to  liquor  sovereignty  under  that  flag. 

We  are  humiliated,  exasperated  and  grieved, 
by  the  evidence  painfully  abundant,  that  this 
administration's  policy  of  expansion  is  bearing 
so  rapidly  its  first  fruits  of  drunkenness,  insan- 
ity and  crime  under  the  hot-house  sun  of  the 
tropics  ;  and  that  when  the  President  of  the  first 
Philippine  Commission  said,  "  It  was  unfortu- 
nate that  we  introduced  and  established  the 
saloon  there,  to  corrupt  the  natives  and  to  exhibit 
the  vices  of  our  race,"  we  charge  the  inhumanity 
and  unchristianity  of  this  act  upon  the  adminis- 
tration of  William  McKinley  and  upon  the  party 
which  elected  and  would  perpetuate  the  same. 

5.  We  declare  that  the  only  policy  which  the 
government  of  the  United  States  can  of  right  up- 
hold as  to  the  liquor  traffic,  under  the  national 
constitution,  upon  any  territory  under  military 
or  civil  control  of  that  government,  is  the  policy 
of  prohibition ;  that  "to  establish  justice,  insure 
domestic  tranquility,  provide  for  the  common  de- 
fence, promote  the  general  welfare,  and  insure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  pos- 
terity," as  the  Constitution  provides,  the  liquor 
traffic  must  neither  be  sanctioned  nor  tolerated, 


NATIONAL  PROHIBITION   PLATFORM.         *137 

and  that  tlie  revenue  policy,  which  makes  our 
government  a  partner  with  distillers  and  brewers 
and  bar-teepers,  is  a  disgrace  to  our  civilization, 
an  outrage  upon  humanity  and  a  crime  against 
God. 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  at 
Washington  because  it  has  repealed  the  prohi- 
bitory laws  in  Alaska,  and  has  given  over  the 
partly  civilized  tribes  there  to  be  the  prey  of  the 
American  grog-shop  ;  and  because  it  has  entered 
upon  a  license  policy  in  our  new  possessions  by 
incorporating  the  same  in  the  recent  act  of  Con- 
gress in  the  code  of  laws  for  the  government  of 
the  Hawaiin  Islands. 

Call  to  Moral  and  Christian  Citizenship. 

6.  One  great  religious  body  (the  Baptist)  hav- 
ing truly  declared  of  the  liquor  traffic  ''  that  it 
has  no  defensible  right  to  exist,  that  it  can  never 
be  reformed,  that  it  stands  condemned  by  its 
unrighteous  fruits  as  a  thing  un-Christian,  un- 
American,  and  perilous  utterly  to  every  interest 
in  life;"  another  great  religious  body  (the  Meth- 
odist) having  as  truly  asserted  and  reiterated 
that  "  no  political  party  has  a  right  to  expect, 
nor  should  it  receive,  the  votes  of  Christian  men 
so  long  as  it  stands  committed  to  the  license 
system,  or  refuses  to  put  itself  on  record  in  an 
attitude  of  open  hostility  to  the  saloon;"  other 


138*         NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 

great  religious  bodies  having  made  similar  deliv- 
erances, in  language  plain  and  unequivocal,  as  to 
the  liquor  traffic  and  the  duty  of  Christian  citi- 
zenship in  opposition  thereto;  and  the  fact  being 
plain  and  undeniable  that  the  Democratic  party 
stands  for  license,  the  saloon  and  the  canteen, 
while  the  Republican  party,  in  policy  and  ad- 
ministration, stands  for  the  canteen,  the  saloon 
and  the  revenue  therefrom,  we  declare  ourselves 
justified  in  expecting  that  Christian  voters  every- 
where shall  cease  their  complicity  with  the  liquor 
curse  by  refusing  to  uphold  a  liquor  party,  and 
shall  unite  themselves  with  the  only  party  which 
upholds  the  Prohibition  policy,  and  for  which  for 
nearly  thirty  years  has  been  the  faithful  defender 
of  the  church,  the  home  and  the  school,  against 
the  saloon,  its  expanders  and  perpetuators,  their 
actual  and  persistent  foes. 

We  insist  that  no  differences  of  belief,  as  to 
any  other  question  or  concern  of  government, 
should  stand  in  the  way  of  such  a  union  of  moral 
and  Christian  citizenship  as  we  hereby  invite,  for 
the  speedy  settlement  of  this  paramount  moral, 
industrial,  financial  and  political  issue,  which 
our  party  represents ;  and  we  refrain  from  declar- 
ing ourselves  upon  all  minor  matters,  as  to  which 
differences  of  opinion  may  exist,  that  hereby  we 
may  offer  to  the  American  people  a  platform  so 
broad  that  all  can  stand  upon  it  who  desire  to  see 


NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM.         *139 

sober  citizensliip  actually  sovereign  over  the 
allied  hosts  of  evil,  sin  and  crime,  in  a  govern- 
ment of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the 
people. 

We  declare  that  there  are  but  two  real  parties, 
to-day,  concerning  the  liquor  traffic.  Perpetua- 
tionists  and  Prohibitionists;  and  that  patriotism, 
Christianity  and  every  interest  of  genuine  Re- 
publicanism and  pure  Democracy,  beside  the 
loyal  demands  of  our  common  humanity,  require 
the  speedy  union,  in  one  solid  phalanx  at  the 
ballot-box,  of  all  v^ho  oppose  the  liquor  traffic's 
perpetuation  and  who  covet  endurance  for  this 
.republic. 


jliill'ii'''  ili''^''^' 

fliiiii 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 


(^The 


FACTS  ABOUT  CUBA. 


HE  area  of  Cuba  is  about  equal  to  tliat  of 
ojl  Pennsylvania,  the  length  being  760  miles, 
and  the  width  varying  from  35  to  130 
miles.  The  productive  soil,  mineral  wealth  and 
climatic  conditions  of  the  island  entitle  it  to  rank 
among  the  foremost  communities  of  the  world. 
The  soil  is  a  marvel  of  richness,  and  fertilizers 
are  seldom  used,  unless  in  the  case  of  tobacco, 
even  though  the  same  crops  be  grown  on  the 
same  land  for  a  hundred  years,  as  has  happened 
in  some  of  the  old  sugar-cane  fields.  The  moun- 
tains are  of  coral  formation,  while  the  lowlands 
of  Eastern  Cuba  at  least  seem  to  be  composed 
largely  of  fossils  of  sea  matter  from  prehistoric 
times,  and  are  extremely  rich  in  lime  and  phos- 
phate, which  accounts  for  the  inexhaustible  fer- 
tility of  the  soil. 

Products  of  Cuba. 
Although  founded  and  settled  more  than  fifty 
years  before  the  United  States,  Cuba  has   still 
13,000,000  acres  of  primeval  forests  ;  mahogany. 


2  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

cedar,  logwood,  redwood,  ebony,  lignutn-vitse  and 
caiguaran  (whicli  is  more  durable  in  the  ground 
than  iron  or  steel)  are  among  the  woods.  If  all 
the  land  suitable  to  the  growth  of  sugar-cane 
were  devoted  to  that  industry,  it  is- estimated  that 
Cuba  might  supply  the  entire  Western  Hemis- 
phere with  sugar. 

The  island  has  already  produced  in  a  single 
year  for  export  1,000,000  tons,  and  its  capabilities 
have  only  been  in  the  experimental  stage.  The 
adaptability  of  the  soil  for  tobacco  culture  has 
long  been  known.  Cuba  takes  great  pride  in  the 
quality  of  her  coffee,  and  until  the  war  the  plan- 
tations were  flourishing.  The  land  is  not  suited 
to  the  cultivation  of  cereals. 

The  tobacco  crop  on  an  average  is  estimated  at 
560,000  bales  (one  bale  is  no  pounds),  338,000 
bales  being  exported,  and  the  remainder  used  in 
cigar  and  cigarette  manufacture  in  Havana. 

Principal  Cities. 

The  several  principal  cities  of  Cuba  are  thus 
described,  and  the  information  will  be  especially 
interesting  and  instructive  at  this  time,  when 
they  are  under  the  control  of  the  United  States  : 
Habana  (Havana),  the  capital  city  of  the  province 
of  that  name  and  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  is  situ- 
ated on  the  west  side  of  Havana  Bay,  on  a  penin- 
sula of  level  land  of  limestone  formation,  and  is 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  6 

on  tlie  narrowest  part  of  tHe  island.  Its  strategic 
position  at  the  month  of  the  Gnlf  of  Mexico,  has 
aptl}^  given  it  the  name  of  the  Key  of  the  Gulf, 
and  a  symbolic  key  is  emblazoned  in  its  coat  of 
arms. 

The  entrance  to  the  harbor,  guarded  on  one 
side  by  the  Morro  and  the  frowning  heights  of 
La  Cabana  Fort,  and  on  the  other  by  the  Punta 
and  Reina  batteries,  is  narrow,  but  expands  into 
a  wide  and  deep  harbor,  where  a  thousand  ships 
can  safely  ride.  Havana  is  a  strongly  fortified 
place,  surrounded  by  imposing  fortifications,  such 
as  the  Cabana,  Morro  Castle,  Castillo  del  Prin- 
cipe, Fort  Atares,  Punta  Reina  Battery  and  Fort 
No.  4.  The  streets  are  generally  narrow  in  the 
older  part  of  the  city,  but  outside  the  walls  are 
many  wide  avenues. 

The  city  also  contains  many  notable  buildings, 
as  the  Cathedral,  formerly  a  Jesuit  convent ;  the 
palace  of  the  government,  fine  private  residences, 
public  parks,  and  statues  of  Columbus,  Fernando 
VII.,  Isabel  III.,  etc.  There  are  many  churches 
and  convents,  a  commemorative  chapel  fronts  the 
palace,  close  to  a  large  ceiba  tree,  under  which 
Diego  Velasquez,  the  founder  of  the  city,  cele- 
brated mass  in  15 19.  There  are  numerous  cigar 
and  cigarette  factories,  tanneries,  manufactories 
of  sweetmeats,  rum,  candles,  gas,  beer,  carriages, 
soap,  perfumery,  glycerine,  etc. 


4  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

Climate  and  Population. 

Tlie  population  of  Havana,  from  reliable  offi- 
cial estimate,  is  about  220,000.  Its  principal 
exports  to  tbe  United  States  consist  of  tobacco, 
fruit,  wax  and  honey,  sugar  and  molasses.  All 
kinds  of  breads  tuffs,  lumber,  coal  and  machinery 
are  imported  from  the  United  States.  The  cli- 
mate is  generally  warm  and  humid,  and  marked 
by  two  clearly  defined  seasons — the  wet  and  dry, 
the  former  ranging  from  June  to  December ;  Sep- 
tember and  October  being  considered  the  hurri- 
cane months.  The  trade  winds  blow  generally 
with  great  regularity,  and  the  heat  of  the  day  is 
cooled  by  evening  breezes. 

City  of  Matanzas. 

Matanzas  is  beautifully  situated  on  Matanzas 
Bay,  on  the  north  coast  of  Cuba,  sixty  miles  east 
of  Havana.  It  is  divided  into  three  parts  by  riv- 
ers, the  principal  business  part  occupying  the 
central  portion,  and  extending  west  one  and  one- 
half  miles.  The  chief  warehouses,  distilleries, 
and  sugar  refineries  are  on  the  south  of  the  river 
San  Juan,  easily  accessible  to  railroads  and  light- 
ers. The  population  is  49,384,  and  that  of 
Matanzas  province  271,000,  according  to  the  lat- 
est census.  The  principal  industries  are  rum 
distilling,  sugar-refining,  and  manufacture  of 
guava  jelly.    There  are  railroad  car  and  machine 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  O 

shops.  The  climate  is  fine,  and  Matanzas  is  con- 
sidered the  healthiest  city  on  the  island.  With 
proper  drainage  and  sanitary  arrangements,  yel- 
low fever  and  malaria  would  be  almost  unknown. 

The  Oldest  City. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  the  second  city  in  size  on 
the  island,  with  a  population  of  about  60,000,  is 
probably  the  oldest  city  of  any  size  on  this  hemi- 
sphere, having  been  founded  by  Velasquez  in 
15 14.  It  fronts  on  a  beautiful  bay  six  miles  long 
and  two  miles  wide,  on  the  south-eastern  coast  of 
Cuba,  100  miles  west  of  Cape  Maysi.  The  mean 
temperature  in  summer  is  88  degrees  ;  in  winter, 
82  degrees.  It  is  regarded  as  very  unhealthy, 
yellow  fever  being  prevalent  throughout  the  year 
and  small-pox  epidemic  at  certain  times.  These 
conditions  are  due  to  the  lack  of  sanitary  and 
hygienic  measures  ;  all  refuse  matter  as  well  as 
dead  dogs,  cats,  chickens,  etc.,  being  thrown  into 
the  streets  to  decay  and  fill  the  air  with  disease 
germs. 

When  General  Wood  became  military  governor 
of  Santiago  the  first  work  he  did  was  to  clean  up 
the  city  and  wage  a  fight  with  dirt,  disease  and 
death.  He  literally  reformed  the  gutters.  Under 
his  wise  and  efiicient  administration  the  sick  and 
death  rates  were  greatly  reduced,  and  the  city 
was   made    habitable    and    healthy.     A  railroad 


6  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

called  the  Sabanilla  and  Maroted,  runs  from  the 
city  to  San  Luis,  twenty-five  miles  distant,  with 
a  brancli  to  Alto  Songo,  twelve  in  length.  It  is 
largely  owned  and  controlled  by  citizens  of  the 
United  States. 

Santiago  is  the  headquarters  for  three  large 
mining  plants  owned  by  United  States  citizens, 
viz.,  the  Jurugua,  the  Spanish  American,  and  the 
Sigua,  together  representing  the  investment  of 
about  $8,000,000 ;  the  last  named  are  not  in 
operation.  Santiago  is  the  capital  of  this  prov- 
ince and  oriental  region.  There  are  a  number 
of  tobacco  factories,  but  the  chief  business  is 
the  exporting  of  raw  materials  and  the  impor- 
tation of  manufactured  goods  and  provisions. 
Sugar,  iron  ore,  manganese,  mahogany,  hides, 
wax,  cedar  and  tobacco  are^exported  to  the  United 
States. 

City  and  Harbor  of  Oienfuegos. 

Cienfuegos  is  on  a  peninsula  in  the  Bay  of 
lagua,  six  miles  from  the  sea.  The  depth  of 
water  at  the  anchorage  in  the  harbor  is  27  feet, 
and  at  the  different  wharves  from  14  to  16  feet. 
The  commercial  importance  of  the  place  was  rec- 
ognized as  long  ago  as  1850,  and  has  increased 
with  the  development  of  the  sugar  industry. 
This  port  is  now  the  centre  of  the  sugar  trade 
for  the  south  of  the  island.     It  is  connected  by 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  7 

rail  with  Havana  and  tHe  principal  points  on  the 
north  of  the  island.  The  population  is  about 
30,000.  Sugar  and  tobacco  are  exported  to  the 
United  States,  and  soap  and  ice  are  manufactured. 

The  climate  from  December  ist  to  May  ist  is 
dry  and  moderately  warm,  the  temperature  rang- 
ing from  60  degrees  to  78  degrees  during  the  day 
and  falling  several  degrees  at  night.  At  this 
season  almost  constant  winds  prevail  from  the 
north-east  or  north-west,  accompanied  by  clouds 
of  dust.  For  the  rest  of  the  year  the  tempera- 
ture ranges  from  75  degrees  to  93  degrees,  de- 
scending a  few  degrees  at  night. 

During  this  season  there  are  frequent  and 
heavy  rainfalls  and  windstorms.  The  yellow 
fever  is  then  epidemic.  But  little  attention  is 
given  by  the  municipal  authorities  to  hygienic 
or  to  sanitary  measures.  Water  for  household 
purposes  is  insufiiciently  supplied  by  two  small 
plants,  the  principal  source  being  the  Jicotea 
river,  10  miles  distant. 

Trinidad  de  Cuba. 

This  town  is  located  on  a  slope  of  the  moun- 
tain called  La  Vijia  (Lookout),  which  has  an  ele- 
vation of  about  900  feet  above  sea  level.  The 
port,  Casilda,  lies  about  one  league  to  the  south; 
the  harbor  is  almost  landlocked,  and  has  very 
little  depth.     Vessels  drawing  10  feet  6  inches 


§  OUE  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

are  liable  to  run  aground  witli  the  least  deviation 
from  the  tortuous  channel.  About  half  a  mile 
west  of  Trinidad  is  the  River  Guarabo,  navig- 
able for  small  boats  only.  Four  miles  east  lies 
Masio  Bay,  which  will  accommodate  deep-draft 
vessels.  The  population  numbers  about  18,000. 
Sugar  and  a  little  honey  are  exported.  The  cli- 
mate is  very  healthy,  the  death  rate  being  21  to 
26  per  1,000,  though  sanitary  measures  are  al- 
most unknown.  The  town  is  so  situated  that 
the  heavier  it  rains  the  cleaner  it  becomes.  The 
town  and  vicinity  are  the  healthiest  in  Cuba. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

(5  I  HE  island  of  Porto  Rico,  over  which  the  flag 
(^1  of  the  United  States  was  raised  in  token 
of  formal  possession  on  October  18,  1898, 
is  the  most  eastern  of  the  Greater  Antilles  in  the 
West  Indies  and  is  separated  on  the  east  from 
the  Danish  island  of  St.  Thomas  by  a  distance  of 
about  fifty  miles,  and  from  Hayti  on  the  west  by 
the  Mona  passage,  seventy  miles  wide.  The 
interior  localities  feel  the  effect  of  nearness  to 
the  sea  as  the  island  is  not  so  extensive  as  to 
remove  any  part  of  it  far  from  the  ocean.  The 
climate  is  of  course  tropical. 

The  island  is  parallelogram  in  general    out- 


I 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  9 

line,  To8  miles  from  east  to  the  west,  and  from 
37  to  43  miles  across,  tlie  area  being  about  3,600 
square  miles,  or  somewhat  less  than  half  that  of 
tlie  State  of  New  Jersey  (Delaware  has  2,050 
square  miles  and  Connecticut  4,990  square  miles). 
The  population  according  to  an  enumeration 
made  in  1887  was  798,565,  of  whom  474,933  were 
whites,  246,647  mulattoes,  and  76,905  negroes. 
The  present  estimated  population  is  900,000. 

Porto  Rico  is  unusually  fertile,  and  its  domi- 
nant industries  are  agriculture  and  lumbering. 
In  elevated  regions  the  vegetation  of  the  temper- 
ate zone  is  not  unknown.  There  are  more  than 
500  varieties  of  trees  found  in  the  forests,  and 
the  plains  are  full  of  palm,  orange,  and  other 
trees.  The  principal  crops  are  sugar,  coffee,  to- 
bacco, cotton,  and  maize,  but  bananas,  rice,  pine- 
apples, and  m.any  other  fruits  are  important 
products.  The  largest  article  of  export  from 
Porto  Rico  is  coffee,  which  is  over  63  per  cent,  of 
the  whole.  The  next  largest  is  sugar,  28  per 
cent.  The  other  exports  in  order  of  amount  are 
tobacco,  honey,  molasses,  cattle,  timber,  and 
hides. 

The  principal  minerals  found  in  Porto  Rico 
are  gold,  carbonates  and  sulphides  of  copper  and 
magnetic  oxide  of  iron  in  large  quantities.  Lig- 
nite is  fouud  at  Utuado  and  Moca,  and  also  yellow 
amber.     A  large  variety  of  marbles,  limestones, 


10  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

and  other  building  stones  are  deposited  on  the 
island,  but  these  resources  are  very  undeveloped. 
There  are  salt  works  at  Guanica  and  Salinac  on 
the  south  coast,  and  at  Cape  Rojo  on  the  west, 
and  these  constitute  the  principal  mineral  in- 
dustry in  Porto  Rico. 

There  are  137  miles  of  railway,  with  170  miles 
under  construction,  and  470  miles  of  telegraph 
lines.  These  connect  the  capital  with  the  prin- 
pal  ports  south  and  west.  Submarine  cables  run 
from  San  Juan  to  St.  Thomas  and  Jamaica.  The 
principal  cities  are  Ponce,  40,000  inhabitants ; 
Arecibo  with  30,000,  and  San  Juan,  the  capital, 
with  25,000. 

At  present  Porto  Rico  is  governed  as  a  mili- 
tary department  of  the  United  States. 

In  this  beautiful  island,  under  new  auspices, 
doubtless  there  Avill  spring  up  eventually  a  num- 
ber of  inviting  winter  resorts  and  sanitaria.  For 
in  the  winter  and  early  spring  Porto  Rico  is  less 
subject  than  even  Cuba  to  chilling  winds,  blow- 
ing out  from  freezing  anti-cyclones  that  move 
east  off  the  American  coast  toward  Bermuda. 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  11 

THE   PHILIPPINE   ISLANDS. 

fe  I  HE  war  between  Spain  and  tHe  United 
(Jjl       States    directed    public    attention    to    the 

;^  Pbilippine  Islands,  and  tbe  victory  of  tbe 
United  States  naval  squadron  and  land  forces  at 
Manila  Has  empbasized  tbe  great  resources  of 
these  islands.  Under  the  circumstances,  a  gen- 
eral review  of  some  of  the  industries  of  the  islands 
will  be  interesting. 

In  1834,  the  port  of  Manila,  the  capital  of  the 
islands,  was  opened  to  resident  foreign  merchants, 
but  before  that  date  the  Philippine  Islands  were 
little  known  in  the  foreign  markets  and  commer- 
cial centres  of  Europe.  So  decided  was  the  spirit 
of  exclusiveness  and  abhorrence  of  foreign  inter- 
course that  the  Spaniards,  in  1738,  preferred  a 
war  with  England  to  the  fulfillment  of  a  con- 
tract, for  freer  commerce,  entered  into  under  the 
treaty  of  Utrecht. 

Before  1834  a  Mr.  Butler  applied  for  permis- 
sion to  reside  in  and  open  up  a  trade  between 
Manila  and  foreign  ports,  but  the  application 
was  promptly  rejected,  though  subsequently  the 
American  firm  of  Russell  &  Sturgis,  having  the 
support  of  the  Governor-General,  made  a  similar 
application,  which  was  successful,  and  since  then 
many  foreigners  have  settled  in  the  open  ports 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  for  business  purposes. 


12  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

Banks  liave  been  established  and  otber  agencies 
necessary  to  facilitate  and  promote  trade  are  now 
a  part  of  tbe  business  macbinery  of  tbe  islands. 
During  tbe  reign  of  Isabella  II.  (1833-1868)  a 
Philippine  coin  was  issued,  and  about  the  year 
1868  gold  coin  sold  for  less  than  the  nominal  value 
in  silver,  and  as  much  as  10  per  cent,  was  paid  to 
exchange  an  onza  of  gold  ($16)  for  silver.  In 
1878  gold  and  silver  were  worth  their  nominal 
relative  value,  and  gold  gradually  disappeared 
from  the  islands,  large  quantities  being  exported 
to  China.  At  the  beginning  of  1885  as  much  as 
10  per  cent,  premium  was  paid  for  Philippine 
gold  of  the  Isabella  II.  or  any  previous  coinage, 
but  at  the  present  day  gold  is  obtainable  in  lim- 
ited quantities  and  about  the  same  rate  as  sight 
drafts  on  Europe. 

Commercial  Wants  of  the  Philippines. 

The  wants  of  the  people  with  whom  our  com- 
merce must  be  carried  on  are  as  simple  as  their 
manner  of  living.  The  most  northerly  point  of 
the  Philippines  is  south  of  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
and  American  goods,  to  be  salable,  must  be  suit- 
able for  use  in  a  peculiarly  tropical  clime.  They 
must  also  be  thrown  upon  the  market  at  from  50 
per  cent,  to  100  per  cent,  less  than  they  bring  in 
the  United  States.  The  clothes  of  men  and 
women  alike  usually  consist  of  plain  garments 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  13 

of  cotton  and  dtick,  and  are  of  Indian  and  Chinese 
manufacture.  It  is  at  least  doubtful  whether  we 
could  successfully  compete  in  the  sale  of  such 
goods. 

The  food  of  the  natives  consist  of  rice  and 
fruit,  grown  at  their  doors,  and  fish,  in  which  the 
waters  of  the  island  abound.  We  have  nothing 
to  offer  them  in  the  way  of  foodstuffs.  We  can- 
not export  sugar  and  rice  to  the  Philippines,  and 
must  undersell  the  cotton  goods  of  India  and 
China  to  get  into  the  market. 

The  best  prospect,  and  an  inviting  one,  for  the 
employment  of  American  labor  and  capital  in 
this  new  field  is  in  the  erection  and  operation  of 
factories,  either  in  China  or  on  the  islands  them- 
selves, not  only  to  supply  the  Filipinos  with 
articles  for  their  own  use  and  consumption, 
but  to  utilize  in  these  factories  the  raw  material 
of  the  Philippines  that  is  now  furnishing  employ- 
ment to  the  factories  of  other  nations  from  whom 
we  buy  the  manufactured  article.  Again,  the 
Philippine  Islands  will  furnish  us  a  manufac- 
turing base  for  the  supply  of  the  Oriental  market. 

Opportunities  for  Agriculture. 

Agriculture  has  never  flourished  in  the  islands. 
Before  competition  in  other  colonies  became  so 
active  there  were  fair  remunerative  returns  from 
the  cultivation  of  hemp  and    sugar — the  main 


14  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

staple  products  ;  labor  was  then  cheaper,  as  were 
the  beasts  for  tilling  the  soil ;  the  necessities  of 
the  laboring  class  were  fewer,  and  though  the 
aggregate  production  was  not  so  large,  the  natives 
were  in  a  sounder  position  than  the  same  class 
are  generally  now.  It  would  seem  that  in  pass- 
ing from  the  primitive  to  a  more  civilized  state 
one  may  look  back  with  fond  regret  to  the  simple 
wants  of  the  former  as  compared  with  those  of 
the  latter. 

The  staple  food  of  the  islanders  is  rice,  which 
is  cultivated  more  or  less  largely  in  every  prov- 
ince, and  is  the  only  branch  of  agriculture  in 
which  the  lower  classes  of  natives  take  a  visible 
pleasure  and  which  they  understand ;  but  much 
of  the  land  formerly  devoted  to  rice  cultivation 
is  now  devoted  to  cultivating  sugar-cane,  which 
yields  a  more  valuable  return. 

Hemp  is  another  staple  industry.  The  hemp 
plant  grows  in  many  parts  of  the  islands,  and  the 
leaves  so  closely  resemble  those  of  the  banana 
that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  them, 
those  of  the  hemp  plant  being  of  a  darker  hue 
and  greener.  The  plant  seems  to  thrive  best  on 
an  inclined  plane,  and  though  requiring  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  moisture,  it  will  not  thrive 
in  swampy  land,  and  must  be  shaded  by  other 
trees  to  attain  any  great  height.  The  average 
height  of  the  tree  is  about  ten  feet,  and  being 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  15 

endogenous,  tlie  stem  is  enclosed  in  layers  of  half- 
round  petioles. 

Cultivation  of  Coffee. 

The  cultivation  of  coffee  dates  from  the  early 
part  of  the  present  century,  and  some  of  the 
original  trees  are  still  alive  and  bearing  fruit, 
but  after  twenty-five  years  the  tree  does  not  bear 
profitably.  The  best  coffee  comes  from  Sugon 
Island,  embracing  the  provinces  of  Batangas,  La 
Laguna  and  Cavite.  There  is  one  crop  gathered 
in  the  Philippean  Islands.  In  the  West  Indies 
the  beans  are  found  during  eight  months  of  the 
twelve,  and  in  Brazil  there  are  three  gatherings 
annually. 

The  tobacco  seed  was  introduced  into  the 
Philippines  from  Mexico  by  Spanish  mission- 
aries soon  after  the  possession  of  the  islands  by 
Spain,  and,  from  the  islands,  into  the  south  of 
China  in  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  century. 
The  Spanish  Government  for  a  long  time  en- 
joyed a  monopoly  of  the  tobacco  trade,  but  the 
monopoly  ceased  in  1882,  and  the  cultivation 
and  trade  were  handed  over  to  a  private  enter- 
prise. The  Manila  cigar  has  a  world-wide  repu- 
tation, and  under  better  cultivation  the  quality 
can  be  improved. 

In  addition  to  the  industrial  products  named, 
the  soil  and  climate  of  the  islands  are  favorable 


lb  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

to  the  cultivation  of  Indian  corn,  cotton,  choco- 
late and  the  bamboo,  and  all  kinds  of  tropical 
fruit.  It  may  be  said  that  the  Philippine  Islands, 
under  the  rule  of  a  j  ust  government  and  an  intel- 
ligent system  of  cultivation,  would  become  rich 
in  mineral  and  agricultural  products,  and  a  valu- 
able possession,  strategically  and  otherwise. 


THE   HAWAIIAN   ISLANDS. 

(^tX'  STUDY  of  this  new  territory  reveals  some 
f~\  interesting  facts.  The  islands  were  dis- 
yellsy^^  covered  in  1720  by  Captain  James 
Cook,  an  English  navigator.  For  some  abstruse 
reason,  probably  because  they  were  too  far  away 
to  be  of  any  service  to  any  of  her  colonies,  Eng- 
land never  took  possession  of  the  islands.  In 
fact,  her  course  toward  them  has  been  one  equiv- 
alent to  the  relinquishment  of  whatever  rights 
she  had  to  the  islands. 

Since  the  islands  were  discovered  attempts 
have  been  made  to  establish  a  government  on 
them,  once  by  an  English  body  of  colonists,  and 
once  by  French  colonists.  Both,  however,  were 
abandoned  in  due  course  of  time,  neither  the 
English  nor  French  Government  thinking  it  wise 
or  worth  while  to  give  official  sanction  to  the 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  1  7 

same.  After  awhile  a  monarcliy  arose,  but  a 
revolution,  in  which  the  good  offices  of  the  United 
States  troops  were  found  necessary,  put  an  end  to 
it.  It  was  this  revolution  which  made  Queen  Lil 
abdicate  the  throne.  Later  on,  the  government 
became  a  republic,  and  it  came  into  the  United 
States  as  such,  and  has  been  provided  with  a  ter- 
ritorial government. 

Number  of  Square  Miles. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands  are  15  in  number,  are  a 
little  over  2,500  miles  from  San  Francisco,  and 
have  a  coast  over  800  miles  long.  Altogether 
they  comprise  about  6,640  square  miles.  The 
shortest  distance  between  any  of  the  islands  is 
five  miles,  while  some  of  the  islands  are  at  least 
25  miles  apart.  Five  of  the  islands  do  not  pos- 
sess a  single  inhabitant.  The  chief  island  is 
Oahu,  which  contains  600  square  miles,  and  has 
a  population  of  40,205.  Upon  this  island  is  situ- 
ated Honolulu,  which  is  the  seat  of  Government, 
or,  in  other  words,  the  capital  of  the  islands. 
The  island  is  almost  entirely  given  up  to  sugar 
plantations,  in  which  at  least  30,000  of  its  people 
are  engaged. 

The  Island  of  Neehau  contains  97  square 
miles,  and  has  a  population  of  only  14  families. 
Ownership  of  it  is  claimed  by  an  Englishman, 
who  asserts  that  he  bought  it  from  the  former 


18  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 

king  of  the  islands.  It  is  given  entirely  to  graz- 
ing, and  from  30,000  to  40,000  sheep  are  raised 
on  it  annually.  The  Island  of  Keani  contains 
590  square  miles,  and  has  a  population  of  15,362. 
There  is  a  party  of  German  colonists,  who  claim 
that  they  own  the  island,  which  is  entirely  given 
up  to  sugar  plantations. 

The  island  that  is  probably  best  known 
throughout  the  world  is  Molokai.  It  comprises 
270  square  miles,  and  has  a  population  of  2,307. 
It  is  a  leper  settlement,  and  over  1,200  of  the 
residents  are  sufferers  from  leprosy.  The  island 
came  into  great  notoriety  several  years  ago 
through  the  death  of  the  celebrated  Father 
Damien,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  contracted 
^he  dread  disease  while  ministering  to  the  spirit- 
ual and  temporal  needs  of  those  who  are  afflicted 
with  it.  At  the  island  of  Maui,  which  contains 
760  square  miles,  and  which  has  a  population  of 
17,726,  are  the  immense  sugar  plantations  of 
Claus  Spreckles,  the  California  sugar  king.  The 
island  of  Lauai  contains  105  people,  who  main- 
tain themselves  by  grazing.  Another  large 
island  is  Hawaii,  which  consists  of  4,210  square 
miles,  and  which  has  a  population  of  32,285. 

The  chief  product  of  the  islands  is  sugar. 
Sugar  forms  99  per  cent,  of  the  exports  of  the 
islands.  In  1897  the  sugar  sent  out  from  the 
islands  amounted  to  the  enormous  total  of  502,- 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS.  19 

000,000  pounds.  The  population  of  the  islands, 
according  to  the  most  accurate  statistics,  is  about 
109,000. 

Coffee  Culture  in  Hawaii. 

There  is  some  coffee  land  on  all  the  islands, 
but  Hawaii  is  the  only  one  of  the  group  that  has 
land  for  public  settlement.  This  is  true  of  other 
industries  than  coffee  The  principal  coffee  dis- 
tricts in  the  island  of  Hawaii  are :  Kona,  48,000 
acres ;  Puna,  67,000  acres,  and  Hilo,  195,000 
acres ;  but  a  comparatively  small  percentage  of 
this  acreage  is  planted  with  coffee  or  suitable  to 
its  cultivation. 

In  all  three  of  these  districts,  and  especially  in 
Hilo,  the  government  is  surveying  and  opening 
land  for  settlement  as  rapidly  as  possible.  And 
as  fast  as  the  land  is  put  on  the  market  it  is  being 
taken  up ;  for  the  government  sells  it  for  from  $5 
to  $10  per  acre,  while  the  boom  at  the  town  of 
Hilo — Hawaii — enables  speculators  to  get  $50, 
$60,  and  even  $100  per  acre  for  the  same  land, 
while  about  $30  to  ^40  per  acre  must  be  reckoned 
on  additionally  for  clearing  the  jungle. 

THE    ISLAND    OF   GUAM. 

(5  I  HE  island  of  Guam,  the  largest  of  the  Mari- 

^1       anne  or  Ladrone  Archipelago,  was  ceded 

by  Spain  to  the  United  States  by  Article 

2   of  the  Treaty  of  Peace,   concluded  at   Paris, 


20  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS. 


December  lo,  1898.  It  lies  in  a  direct  line  from 
San  Francisco  to  tlie  southern  part  of  the  Philip- 
pines, and  is  5,200  miles  from  San  Francisco,  and 
900  miles  from  Manila.  It  is  about  32  miles  long 
and  100  miles  in  circumference,  and  has  a  popu- 
lation of  about  9,000,  of  whom  about  6,000  are  in 
Agana,  the  capital.  The  inhabitants  are  mostly 
immigrants  or  descendants  of  immigrants  from 
the  Philippines,  the  original  race  of  the  Ladrone 
Islands  being  extinct.  The  prevailing  language 
is  Spanish..  Nine-tenths  of  the  islanders  can  read 
and  write.  The  island  is  thickly  wooded,  well 
watered  and  fertile,  and  possesses  an  excellent 
harbor. 


Celebrated  Political  Leaders. 


WILLIAM    C.   WHITNEY. 

lyrR.  WHITNEY  must  be  considered  one  of  the 
foremost  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party, 
A  gentleman  of  fine  culture,  large  wealth,  patriotic 
spirit,  and  possessed  of  great  political  shrewdness, 
which  is  universally  admitted,  he  has  long  been 
eminent  among  the  celebrities  whose  names  are 
associated  with  our  national  affliirs. 

He  was  born  in  Conway,  Mass.,  July  15,  1841. 
The  circumstances  of  his  family  were  such  that  he 
could  receive  a  thorough  preliminary  education, 
and,  being  thus  well  fitted  for  College,  he  entered 
Yale,  graduated  in  1863,  and  subsequently  studied 
law  at  Harvard,  leaving  the  latter  institution  in 
1865. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  he  began  at  once  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  and  soon  won  distinction. 
Possessed  of  a  legal  mind,  vast  social  influence, 
and  being  withal  a  hard  worker,  he  immediately 
stepped  into  the  front  ranks  of  the  legal  profession. 

This  did  not  prevent  him  from  turning  his  at- 
tention to  politics,  and  in  1871  he  joined  the 
Young  Men's  Democratic  Club,  soon  acquiring  a 
prominence  almost  beyond  his  years,  by  the  active 

21 


22  CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

part  lie  took  in  the  famous  fight  agamst  the  Tweed 
ring. 

Being  a  man  possessed  of  liberal  culture,  and 
interested  in  all  matters  of  education,  he  was  made 
inspector  of  public  schools  in  1872.  This  office 
would  scarcely  satisfy  the  ambition  of  such  a  man 
as  Mr.  Whitney,  and  he  naturally  looked  for 
greater  distinction  in  the  political  arena.  He  ran 
as  a  candidate  for  district  attorney  under  the 
auspices  of  the  reformed  Democracy  and  was  de- 
feated. This,  however,  only  increased  his  deter- 
mination to  succeed,  and  we  soon  find  him  appear- 
ing again  as  a  candidate  for  office. 

He  was  active  in  the  campaign  of  1875,  and 
during  this  year  was  appointed  Corporation  Coun- 
sel in  New  York.  It  has  been  said  with  truth 
that  Mr.  Whitney,  during  his  term  of  office,  saved 
New  York  City  millions  of  dollars  by  his  wise 
opposition  to  various  claims  brought  by  the  politi- 
cal sharks,  who  attempted  to  make  raids  upon  the 
city  treasury. 

With  the  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland  to  the  Presi- 
dency, Mr.  Whitney  received  a  sudden  elevation 
by  being  selected  as  one  of  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet.  He  was  made  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
and  such  vigor,  discrimination,  energy  and  enter- 
prise did  he  put  into  his  office  that  he  attracted 
favorable  comment  throughout  the  country  from 
all  political  parties.     To  him  is   due,  to   a  large 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS.  23 

extent,  the  creation  of  an  American  Navy.  By 
his  tact  and  ability,  by  his  watchfuhiess  over  the 
public  treasury,  and  by  the  administration  of  his 
office  with  the  same  efficiency  and  economy  that 
he  would  have  given  to  his  own  private  concerns, 
he  set  up  a  standard  in  the  public  service  which 
has  been  pointed  to  with  pride. 

Having  returned  to  the  practice  of  his  profes- 
sion, he  has  not  ceased  to  exhibit  great  interest  in 
public  affairs,  and  it  may  justly  be  said  that  there 
is  no  position  in  the  gift  of  his  party  which  they 
would  not  be  willing  to  confer  upon  him  if  only 
his  acceptance  could  be  gained. 

He  is  a  shining  example  of  those  noble  qualities 
which,  in  alliance  with  great  wealth,  make  for  the 
welfare  of  the  nation. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

/^UR  Civil  War  and  the  stirring  times  that  fol- 
^^  lowed  it  have  developed  some  statesmen  of 
distinguished  ability,  who  will  long  be  remembered 
and  honored  for  the  invaluable  services  they  have 
rendered  to  the  nation.  There  is  always  a  large 
class  of  people  prating  about  the  "  good  old  times," 
telling  how  superior  the  early  statesmen  were  to 
those  of  more  recent  date,  glorifying  the  founders 
of  the   Republic,   and  implying  that   with    their 


24  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

death  a  large  part  of  our  national  capacity  for 
public  affairs  went  out  of  existence,  never  to  return. 

It  is  well  to  be  patient  with  those  who  live  in 
the  shadow  of  bygone  days,  although  we  may  be 
compelled  to  pity  their  simplicity.  They  show 
very  little  knowledge  of  current  history,  if  they 
imagine  that  all  the  virtue  and  all  the  statesman- 
ship belong  to  a  past  generation.  With  all  due 
respect  to  the  ability  of  that  great  class  of  heroes 
and  patriots  whose  deeds  have  given  lustre  to  our 
early  American  history,  it  must  yet  be  remembered 
that  there  are  giants  in  these  days,  and  that  the 
next  generation  will  outline  their  figures  in  grand 
proportions,  as  we  do  those  of  former  times. 

The  name  of  John  Sherman  has  been  closely 
associated  with  our  national  affairs  for  more  than 
thirty  years.  During  this  long  period  few  men 
have  wrought  more  valiantly,  have  stood  out  more 
prominently  in  the  eye  of  the  nation,  have  marked 
their  career  with  greater  achievements  or  have 
committed  fewer  mistakes.  An  eminently  wise 
and  safe  man  he  has  been.  Always  strong  in  his 
party  convictions,  he  has  yet  been  something  more 
than  a  politician.  He  was  originally  freighted 
with  material  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  fill  every 
position  he  has  occupied,  so  that  it  has  never  been 
said  of  him  that  he  was  unequal  to  the  occasion. 

From  early  manhood  he  has  given  to  the  public 
an  impression  of  massive  strength,  great  intellec- 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  25 

,  tiial  insight,  close  familiarity  with  public  affairs, 
unswerving  integrity,  and  an  ability,  especially  in 
the  matter  of  finances,  second  to  that  of  no  other 
man  in  the  nation.  To  write  Mr.  Sherman's  his- 
tory is  to  write  his  eulogy. 

He  was  born  in  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10,  1823. 
When  he  was  but  six  years  old  his  father  died, 
leaving  a  large  family  in  reduced  circumstances, 
and  he  was  subsequently  adopted  by  a  relative 
living  at  Mt.  Yernon,  Ohio.  At  the  age  of  twelve 
a  sister  took  charge  of  him  and  put  him  in  a 
school  at  Lancaster,  where  he  acquired  an  educa- 
tion. 

He  studied  law  with  his  brother,  C.  T.  Sher- 
man, at  Mansfield,  where  he  afterward  practiced 
for  ten  years,  and  where  he  was  married,  in  1848, 
to  a  daughter  of  James  Stewart.  He  was  looked 
upon  as  a  rising  man,  and  gained  a  distinction 
which  was  not  confined  to  the  limits  of  his  pro- 
fession. His  neighbors  and  friends  believed  that 
he  possessed  unusual  qualifications  for  public  life. 

In  1855  he  was  elected  to  the  34th  Congress  in 
the  interest  of  the  Free  Soil  party,  and  was  re- 
elected to  the  35th  and  36th  Congresses.  He 
became  a  power  on  the  floor  and  in  committees, 
and  was  recognized  as  the  foremost  man  in  the 
House,  particularly  in  matters  affecting  finance. 
He  was  again  elected  to  Congress  in  1860,  but  in 
the  following  year  was  chosen  to  the  United  States 


26  CSLEB  RATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS. 

Senate,  where  he  at  once  became  a  leader.  After 
the  close  of  the  Civil  War  he  and  Thaddeus  Stevens 
prepared  the  bill  for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Southern  States,  which  was  passed  by  Congress  in 
the  winter  of  1866-67. 

In  March,  1877,  Senator  Sherman  v^as  appointed 
by  President  Hayes,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
a  position  which  he  retained  until  the  close  of  Mr. 
Hayes'  administration,  in  1881,  when  he  re-entered 
the  Senate,  of  which  he  has  been  a  member  ever 
since,  having  discharged  his  duties  with  such  fidel- 
ity and  ejQficiency  as  to  insure  his  continual  re-elec- 
tion. Few  men  have  ever  had  such  confidence 
placed  in  them,  and  few  have  ever  done  so  little  to 
disappoint  it. 

Having  made  the  subjects  of  Finance  and 
Kevenue  a  special  study,  he  was  looked  upon  as 
eminently  fitted  for  his  position  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  when  he  returned  to  the  Senate  and  there 
found  grave  problems  confronting  the  country,  he 
addressed  himself  earnestly  to  the  task  of  solving 
them  and  putting  the  finances  of  the  nation  upon 
a  sound  basis.  It  was  due  to  his  management, 
while  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury,  that  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  was  effected  in 
1879,  without  disturbance  to  the  financial  or  com- 
mercial  interests  of  the  country.  Naturally  he 
has  been  brought  into  close  relations  with  capital, 
with  banks  and    bankers,  with  moneyed  men  of 


CELEBRATED   POLITICAL   LEADERS.  27 

every  description,  who  have  placed  great  reliance 
on  his  judgment  and  advice. 

He  was  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  Repub- 
lican presidential  nomination  in  1880,  and  again 
in  1888,  but  if  this  was  ever  seriously  his  goal  of 
ambition,  he  stopped  short  of  gaining  the  prize. 
Lacking,  probably,  in  some  of  those  magnetic 
qualities  which  belong  to  a  great  popular  leader, 
he  has  never  been  able  to  command  a  following 
large  enough  to  place  him  at  the  head  of  his  party 
in  a  presidential  campaign.  His  intellect  is  cold 
and  keen,  his  manner  is  dignified  and  somewhat 
reserved;  he  means  business,  and  that  only,  so 
constantly,  that  he  has  never  drawn  around  him 
a  sufficient  number  of  influential  men  who  were 
willing  to  make  him  their  idol  and  stake  everxy  ■ 
thing  upon  his  advancement. 

Mr.  Sherman  would  not  be  selected  as  a  shining 
example  of  the  brilliant  statesman.  He  is  not 
possessed  of  that  peculiar  magnetism  by  which 
many  other  prominent  men  in  the  nation  have 
been  distinguished,  but  he  is  a  fine  type  of  those 
substantial,  useful  qualities  by  which  the  best 
results  are  always  brought  about.  He  has  never 
aimed  to  startle  the  public  by  dash  and  enthusiasm. 
His  mind  is  judicial,  and  as  a  jurist  he  would  be 
preeminent. 

His  ripe  age,  calm  judgment,  and  devotion  to 
his  constituents  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  his  own 


28  CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

political  faith  on  the  others  have  drawn  to  him 
universal  respect.  His  life  is  one  that  is  well 
rounded  and  complete.  Especially  has  he  shown 
himself  familiar  with  our  national  finances,  upon 
which  he  has  long  been  an  authority. 

That  his  service  in  Washington  has  been  as  use- 
ful as  it  has  been  protracted,  will  be  denied  by  no 
one.  He  was,  until  1893,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Relations,  and  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance,  the  Committee  on  Organi- 
zation, Conduct  and  Expenditures  of  the  Execu- 
tive Departments,  the  Select  Committee  on  the 
Quadro-Centennial  and  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

In  person  Mr.  Sherman  is  very  tall  and  some- 
what spare.  He  has  a  nervous,  energetic  tempera- 
ment, and  is  capable  of  great  endurance  and  of  a 
vast  amount  of  work.  Having  risen  from  the 
poverty  of  boyhood  to  the  commanding  heights  of 
personal  power  and  influence,  he  affords  a  fine 
illustration  of  the  ample  success  within  the  grasp 
of  every  young  American  possessed  of  ability, 
industry  and  laudable  ambition.  He  has  left  his 
imprint  upon  the  recent  history  of  our  country, 
which  cannot  be  written  without  frequent  refer- 
ence to  the  important  measures  conceived  and  fos- 
tered by  his  wise  and  eminent  statesmanship. 

In  a  ripe  old  age,  he  can  look  back  with  no  or- 
dinary satisfaction  upon  his  long  and  successful 
career. 


CELEBKATEB    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  29 

When  the  question  of  tlie  independence  of  Cuba 
was  agitating  the  country,  Mr.  Sherman  was  a 
member  of  the  Senate.  One  day  he  rose  in  his 
seat  and  made  a  thrilling  speech,  in  which  he  went 
so  far  as  to  say  that  if  the  reports  of  outrages  in- 
flicted by  General  Weyler's  troops  upon  inoffensive 
Cubans  were  true,  the  United  States  would  be 
justified  in  sending  an  army  to  Cuba  that  would 
sweep  the  Spaniards  into  the  sea.  This  bold, 
emphatic  declaration  was  received  Avith  spontane- 
ous applause.  It  indicated  tlie  feeling  of  the 
Senate,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  action  that 
finally  resulted  in  our  war  with  Spain  after  the 
destruction  of  the  battleship  Maine. 

When  President  McKinley  made  up  his  Cabinet 
Mr.  Sherman  became  Secretary  of  State.  He  soon 
resigned  the  position,  however,  on  account  of  the 
infirmities  of  age. 

DAVID  B.  HILL. 

A  MONG  the  distinguished  leaders  of  the  Demo- 
■^  cratic  party  no  one  is  more  prominent  than 
Senator  Hill.  A  man  of  intellectual  force,  ener- 
getic and  aggressive  nature,  sound  judgment  on 
party  issues,  magnetic  and  eloquent  as  a  speaker, 
having  the  ability  to  command  and  control  men, 
experienced  in  public  affairs,  and  having  risen  from 
comparatively  humble  life,  lie  combines  in  a  sin- 
gular degree  nearly  all  the  elements  which  render 


30  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

a  statesman  popular  and  draw  to  him  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people. 

Mr.  Hill  was  born  in  Havana,  Chemung  Co., 
N.  Y.,  August  29th,  1843.  His  mind  in  early  life 
inclined  to  the  study  of  law,  and  we  therefore  find 
that  his  first  employment  was  in  a  lawyer's  office 
in  his  native  village.  He  had  obtained  a  good 
common-school  education,  and  shown  himself  to  be 
a  thorough  scholar,  diligent  at  his  books,  and  some- 
what shy  of  social  life,  fearing  that  it  might  inter- 
fere with  his  life  purposes  and  pursuits.  He  was 
such  a  lad  as  the  neighbors  predicted  would  have  a 
useful  and  honorable  career.  The  old  saying,  ^Hhe 
boy  is  the  father  of  the  man  "  was  true  in  his  case, 
and  he  gave  promise  at  this  early  period  of  one 
day  holding  a  high  position  in  his  professirii  as 
well  as  in  public  life.  He  afterward  studied  law 
in  Elmira,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1864. 

In  course  of  time,  he  received  the  appointment 
of  city  attorney,  and  in  this  office  drew  wide  atten- 
tion for  the  aggressive,  skillful  and  able  manner  in 
v/hich  he  conducted  his  cases.  During  this  time 
his  attention  was  turned  to  politics,  for  whi.ch  he 
seemed  to  have  a  natural  taste  and  adaptation. 
He  was  located  in*  a  community  with  excellent 
schools  and  where  the  people  generally  took  a 
deep  interest  not  only  in  their  own  local  affairs, 
but  in  the  larger  questions  which  affected  the 
nation.     He   was  many  times  a  delegate  to   the 


CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  31 

Democratic  State  Convention s,  and  was  made  the 
permanent  chairman  of  those  held  in  1877  and 
1881. 

He  was  also  prominent  in  the  Democratic  Na- 
tional Conventions  of  1876  and  1884,  where  he 
began  to  command  attention  as  a  leader,  shaping 
to  some  extent  the  policy  of  his  party.  He  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  New  York  Legislature  of 
1870  and  1871,  rendering  valuable  service  upon 
committees  and  being  recognized  as  one  of  the 
foremost  leaders  of  that  body.  In  1882  he  was 
elected  Mayor  of  Elmira,  a  tribute  to  the  con- 
fidence placed  in  him  by. his  fellow-townsmen. 
During  this  year  Grover  Cleveland  received  the 
nomination  for  Governor  of  the  State  of  NeA< 
York,  and  Mr.  Hill  was  nominated  with  him  for 
the  office  of  Lieutenant-Governor.  The  campaign 
of  this  year  and  the  great  success  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  are  matters  of  history.  Mr.  Hill 
threw  himself  heartily  into  the  campaign,  took  the 
stump  and  by  his  speeches  contributed  largely  to 
the  result. 

When  Mr.  Cleveland  resigned  in  1884,  having 
been  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  Mr. 
Hill  succeeded  him  as  Governor  of  New  York. 
In  1885  he  was  made  the  candidate  for  Governor 
and  was  elected  for  the  full  term  of  three  years. 
His  course  during  this  time  commended  itself  to 
his  party,  and  he  become  his  own  successor  in  1888, 


32  CELEBRATED   POLITICAL  LEADEES, 

being  re-elected  over  Warner  Miller,  who  was 
made  the  nominee  for  Governor  by  the  Republican 
party.  The  position  and  influence  he  had  already 
gained  pointed  him  out  as  a  suitable  candidate  for 
the  position  of  United  States  Senator,  to  which 
position  he  was  chosen  by  the  Legislature  of  New 
York,  to  succeed  that  distinguished  and  abla  law- 
yer and  statesman,  Wm.  M.  Evarts,  of  whom  it 
was  said  when  he  was  made  United  States  Senator, 
"  What  more  natural  disposition  could  be  made  of 
Mr.  Evarts  than  simply  to  transfer  him  from  the 
head  of  the  New  York  State  Bar  to  the  head  of 
the  United  States  Senate  ?  " 

By  this  time  Mr.  Hill,  being  a  man  of  resolute 
convictions,  heroic  purposes,  able  to  think  for  b'm- 
self,  and  to  defend  in  a  masterly  way  his  own 
thinking,  had  antagonized  certain  elements  of  his 
party,  who  criticised  his  alliance  wi^h  Tammany 
of  New  York  City  and  endeavored  to  bring  him 
into  disrepute.  There  was,  howev^i^  a  larger 
number  who  applauded  his  course  of  action  and 
showed  themselves  to  be  his  faithful  Iriends  and 
supporters.  He  opposed  the  nomination  of  Grover 
Cleveland  for  a  second  presidential  term  in  1892. 
At  this  time  there  were  many  who  v/ould  have 
preferred  that  Mr.  Hill  should  receive  the  nomina- 
tion, and  there  was  good  reason  for  believing  that 
the  ^^presidential  bee"  was  buzzing  around  his 
ears.      He   made   a   trip   through    the   Southern 


Celebrated  political  leaders.  38 

States,  delivering  speeches  at  many  points,  but 
failed  to  command  the  support  of  his  party  for 
the  presidential  nomination  on  the  Democratic 
ticket. 

Once  in  the  Senate,  he  became  the  leader  of  a 
ruction  opposed  to  Mr.  Cleveland.  His  utterances 
in  the  Senate  Chamber  were  bold,  spirited  and 
sometimes  bitter.  His  views  and  opinions,  how- 
ever, were  so  pronounced  and  so  well  sustained 
that  they  carried  great  influence  with  other  Sen- 
ators, and  he  was  able  to  defeat  several  nomina- 
tions sent  to  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Clevelanr* ,  notablj^ 
tvvo  for  the  position  of  Judges  on  the  Su^'.reme 
Be^ivh.  No  one  maintained  that  these  r  omina- 
tio/v  vere  not  good  ones,  but  as  they  did  not  com- 
ment themselves  to  Mr.  Hill,  and,  it  was  claimed, 
were  made  without  any  reference  to  his  wishes, 
he  succeeded  in  effecting  their  summary  rejection. 

In  stature  Mr.  Hill  is  rather  below  than  above  the 
average  height,  and,  although  somewhat  sparely 
built,  he  is  a  man  of  physical  strength  and  capable 
of  enduring  a  large  amount  of  labor  and  fatigue. 
Being  a  bachelor  and  unencumbered  with  domestic 
cares  and  concerns,  he  can  devote  himself  exclu- 
sively to  the  affairs  of  State.  He  shows  an  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  the  history  of  his  party, 
he  is  far-seeing  and  shrewd,  is  a  master  of  debate, 
a  sturdy  antagonist  when  encountered,  is  perfectly 

cool    and    self-possessed,  is  skillful  in  the  use  of 
c 


34  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

invective,  and  upon  entering  the  Senate  immedi- 
ately assumed  a  commanding  position.  Wiiile 
looking  after  the  interests  of  his  native  State,  he 
has  always  been  considered  a  strong  partisan,  and 
this  must  be  accounted  one  of  the  elements  which 
have  given  him  success  among  those  of  his  own 
political  faith. 

It  is  but  just  to  say  that  Mr.  Hill  has  been 
remarkably  successful  in  his  profession  as  a  lawyer 
and  in  his  efforts  and  aspirations  as  a  politician. 
He  does  not  seem  to  writhe  under  defeat,  but 
assuming  that  there  is  another  day  coming  and 
that  the  end  is  not  yet,  he  fixes  his  face  like  a 
flint  and  pushes  on  against  every  storm  of  oppo- 
sition or  calumny.  This  in  brief  is  the  history  of 
a  man  who  exercises  great  influence  in  the  coun- 
cils of  his  party  and  is  now  prominent  before  the 
American  people. 

Mr.  Hill  has  always  been  a  stalwart  Democrat. 
In  1896  when  his  party  endorsed  the  Chicago 
Platform,  some  of  the  measures  of  which  he  con- 
sidered extremely  radical  and  ill-timed,  he  secured 
the  floor  of  the  Convention  and  began  his  speech 
with  the  memorable  utterance,  ''  I  am  a  Democrat, 
but  not  a  revolutionist."  This  was  taken  as  indi- 
cating his  position,  and  this  he  firmly  maintained 
throughout  the  exciting  campaign  that  followed. 
At  the  expiration  of  his  term  in  the  Senate  he 
resumed  his  law  practice  at  Albany. 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS. 


CHAUNCEY   M.    DEPEW. 

rilHERE  are  Americans  who  do  not  need  to  be 
-*-  placed  in  official  position^  who  do  not  need  to  be 
Governors,  Senators  or  Presidents,  to  exert  a  com- 
manding influence  and  stand  in  the  eye  of  the  nation. 
They  are  capable  of  winning  celebrity  in  more  pri- 
Yni/Q  walks.  Some  of  our  most  distinguished  citizens 
have  never  been  placed  to  any  considerable  extent 
under  political  responsibility.  There  are  those  who 
appear  to  be  naturally  outside  of  office,  if  not  alto- 
gether superior  to  it.  Their  worth  lies  entirely  in 
themselves,  irrespective  of  position  or  surroundings. 
If  one  were  asked  to  name  the  most  eminent 
citizen  of  our  country,  Chauncey  Mitchell  Depew 
would  be  mentioned  as  one  of  them.  His  fame 
has  gone  into  all  parts  of  the  land,  among  men  of 
business,  politicians,  leaders  of  thought,  those  who 
are  especially  interested  in  moral  reform — in  fact, 
among  all  classes  of  our  citizens  Mr.  Depew  is 
known  for  his  estimable  qualities,  liis  intellectual 
ability  and  his  genial  nature.  He  did,  indeed,  at 
one  time  hold  office,  but  this  was  many  years  ago^ 
and,  while  he  has  always  bec'U  interested  in  poli- 
tics, and  has  even  been  suggested  as  the  candidate 
of  his  party  for  the  Presidency,  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  sought  distinctions  of  this  description. 


36  CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

Mr.  Depew  is  a  man  of  broad  and  liberal  educ?^ 
fcion.  He  was  born  in  Peekskill,  N.  Y.,  April  2o, 
1834.  Even  in  his  boyhood  he  was  a  gifted  de- 
claimer,  and  gave  prophecy  then  of  his  distin- 
guished career  as  an  orator.  The  old  saying  that 
"the  boy  is  the  father  to  the  man"  is  illustrated 
in  his  case.  He  graduated  from  Yale  College  in 
1856,  having  taken  high  rank  during  his  course, 
especially  in  the  department  of  rhetoric  and  oratory. 
Many  were  the  contests  he  had  in  college,  and 
many  were  the  times  that  he  emerged  from  them 
with  complete  success.  His  social  disposition,  his 
breezy  manner,  his  happy  knack  of  merry-making 
and  his  fund  of  anecdote,  rendered  him  a  general 
favorite. 

In  1858  he  began  practicing  law,  considering 
that  this  profession  furnished  the  widest  opportu- 
nities for  such  abilities  as  he  could  command.  His 
public  career  as  an  orator  was  begun  in  1856  in 
the  Fremont  campaign.  At  this  time  he  identified 
himself  with  the  young  Republican  party,  of  which 
'^  has  since  been  a  prominent  and  enthusiastic 
mei^ii}er.  He  became  widely  known  throughout  the 
eastern  part  of  New  York  for  his  pithy  and  eloquent 
stump-speeches,  and  very  soon  found  himself  in 
favor  with  the  older  leaders  of  the  party.  His  youth, 
his  self-possession,  his  fiuencj^,  his  grasp  of  the  sub- 
jects he  treated,  his  unbounded  enthusiasm,  drew 
immediate  attention  and  marked  a  coming  man. 


CELEEEATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  37 

In  1861  he  was  sent  to  the  Legislature  of  New 
York,  and  two  years  later  he  was  elected  Secretary 
of  State,  declhiing  a  re-election  two  years  subse- 
quently. He  found  it  necessary  to  devote  his  time 
somewhat  exclusively  to  his  profession,  consider- 
ing that  this  was  his  legitimate  calling,  and  to 
pursue  it  would  prove  of  lasting  benefit  to  him  in 
the  end.  In  1866  he  was  chosen  attorney  for  the 
New  York  and  Harlem  Railroad,  and  three  years 
later,  when  the  railroad  was  consolidated  with  the 
New  York  Central,  he  became  general  counsel  of 
the  company.  He  was  elected  second  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  Central  Railroad  in  1882,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  President  of  the  ^^Yanderbilt  roads." 

In  person  Mr.  Depew  is  above  the  medium 
height,  has  prominent  features  and  a  clear,  pene- 
trating voice  that  can  be  heard  by  the  largest 
audiences. 

Mr.  Depew  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  to  represent  the  great  Empire  State,  and 
took  his  seat  in  December,  1809.  It  was  felt  that 
the  great  State  of  New  York  would  have  one  of 
the  worthiest  representatives  it  had  ever  had  at 
Washington.  His  ripe  experience,  his  polished 
eloquence  and  genial  nature  combined  to  make 
liim  a  conspicuous  figure  from  the  outset.  He  soon 
made  speeches  which  were  Avorthy  of  liis  reputa- 
tion. Mr  Depew  has  long  been  prominent  in  the 
councils  of  liis  ])arty,  and  is  a  very  spirited  leader. 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 


ROBERT  E.  PATTISON. 

13  OBERT  EMORY  PATTISON,  late  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  born  at  Quantico,  Md., 
December  8th,  1850.  His  father,  Robert  Henry 
Pattison,  a  native  of  Maryland,  was  born  Jan. 
22nd,  1824 ;  graduated  from  Dickinson  College  in 
1843  ;  entered  the  Philadelphia  Conference  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  1846;  filled  a 
number  of  prominent  appointments  in  Philadelphia 
and  elsewhere ;  was  a  Presiding  Elder  from  1869 
to  1872;  received  the  degree  of  D.  D.,  from  Dick- 
inson in  1867 ;  was  for  several  years  chaplain  of 
the  Grand  Lodge  of  Masons  in  Pennsylvania ;  and 
at  his  death  in  Philadelphia,  February  14,  1875, 
was  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  popular  ministers 
of  his  church.  His  mother,  Catherine  P.  Woolford, 
was  a  grand-daughter  of  Col.  Thomas  Woolford, 
of  the  Maryland  line  in  the  Revolution.  When 
Robert  was  six  years  old,  his  father  was  appointed 
to  Asbury  church,  Philadelphia.  He  obtained  his 
education  in  the  public  schools  of  that  city,  and 
was  graduated  from  the  Central  High  School,  de- 
livering the  valedictory  address. 

In  1869,  on  the  recommendation  of  Prof  Riche, 
of  the  high  school,  he  entered  the  lav/  office  of 
Lewis  C.  Cassidy,  then  one  of  the  most  brilliant 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  39 

advocates  of  the  Philadelphia  bar,  and  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  1872.  He  had  good  prospect  of  suc- 
cess as  a  lawyer,  but  his  career  was  destined  to  be 
political  rather  than  legal. 

In  1877  he  was  named  as  a  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  Auditor-General  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  on  first  ballot  in  the  convention  stood 
next  to  William  P.  Schell,  who  was  nominated  and 
elected.  A  few  months  later,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Cassidy,  he  was  the  Democratic  nominee  for 
City  Controller  of  Philadelphia.  This  depart- 
ment, like  others  in  the  city  government  at  the 
time,  was  badly  managed,  and  if  he  should  be 
elected  he  would  have  a  task  of  reform  before  him 
that  needed  a  good  deal  of  experience  and  a  very 
level  head.  The  people  were  ripe  for  revolt,  and 
he  was  elected  Controller  by  a  majority  of  2,000, 
although  the  Republican  candidates  on  the  State 
ticket  oarried  the  city  by  6,000  majority. 

Mr.  Pattison  entered  upon  his  duties  January  1, 
1878,  and  recognizing  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
elected  to  reform  the  office  and  its  methods,  he  set 
about  his  work  with  a  determination  to  honestly 
administer  its  affairs.  He  found  the  credit  of  the 
city  impaired;  its  paper  at  a  discount  in  the  money 
market — but  l)y  adopting  a  funding  plan,  order 
was  brought  out  of  chaos;  and  such  was  the 
appreciation  of  his  services  by  the  people  that  at 
the  expiration  of  his  three-years  term,  he  was  re- 


40  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS^ 

elected  hy  a  majority  of  13,593  over  his  contest- 
ant, one  of  the  most  esteemed  citizens  and  snccess- 
fnl  merchants  of  Philadelphia.  This  was  not  a 
triumph  of  party,  but  one  due  to  the  personal  and 
exceptional  ability  with  which  Mr.  Pattison  had 
discharged  his  office,  for  it  was  at  a  time  when  the 
Republican  candidate  for  President  carried  the 
city  by  over  20,000  majority. 

This  popularity  placed  him  in  1882  as  an  avail- 
able candidate  for  Governor.  After  a  close  and 
vigorous  contest  in  the  State  convention  he  was 
nominated,  and  in  November  of  that  year  was 
elected  by  a  plurality  of  40,202  over  his  Eepubli- 
can  opponent.  Gen.  Jas.  A.  Beaver,  although  for 
thirty  years  previously  his  party  had  been  in  a 
minority  in  the  State.  This  result  was  due  more 
to  his  vigorous  and  independent  personality  and 
to  his  successful  administration  of  the  finan- 
cial affairs  of  the  metropolis,  than  to  the  dissen- 
sions in  the  Republican  ranks  at  that  particular 
time. 

During  his  administration,  the  finances  of  the 
State  were  economically  managed  and  the  State 
debt  steadily  reduced.  Although  hampered  at  every 
step  by  the  legislative  branch  of  the  government, 
which  was  in  the  control  of  his  political  opponents, 
he  was  patient  and  persevering,  setting  his  face 
against  extravagant  appropriations,  and  holding 
the  corporations  of  the  State  to  a  strict  obedience 


CELEBBATEl^  POLITICAL   LEADEKS.  41 

to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  His  success  was 
a  phenomenal  one. 

Under  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania  the 
Governor  cannot  succeed  himself,  so  that  at  the 
end  of  his  term,  January  18, 1887,  he  retired  from 
office.  A  leading  opposition  newspaper  at  that  time 
gave  this  testimony  • 

"  Gov.  Pattison  retires  from  office  with  the  en- 
comiums of  political  friends  and  foes,  with  the  '  well 
dones '  of  the  people  ringing  in  his  ears  to  cheer 
his  heart.  He  has  been  a  good  Governor.  He 
madeT:hat  sort  of  a  ruler  that  the  people  like.  He 
was  bold  and  fearless,  and  he  was  not  afraid  to  do 
and  sa}^  what  he  thought  was  right.  Even  his 
bitterest  enemies  in  his  own  party  were  forced  to 
admire  the  man  who  rejected  unwise  counsel  and 
followed  it  to  the  line.  The  people  admire  a  man 
of  brains,  and  they  are  cpiick  to  recognize  an  honest 
official.  Gov.  Pattison  fills  the  measure  of  these 
qualifications.  He  w^ill  be  heard  from  in  the 
future." 

In  the  light  of  subsequent  events  the  last  sen- 
tence seems  almost  prophetic.  Upon  returning  to 
private  life  he  resumed  the  practice  of*  law  in 
Philadelphia.  Three  months  later  he  was  elected 
President  of  the  Chestnut  Street  National  Bank. 
He  had  previously  declined  the  Auditorship  of  the 
Treasury  tendered  him  by  President  Cleveland, 
but  ofterwards  accepted  an  appointment  as  Pacific 


42  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

Railroad  Commissioner,  and  was  elected  President 
of  that  commission.  His  report  on  the  relations 
of  that  corporation  to  the  government  is  one  of  the 
ablest  and  most  valuable  papers  in  the  financial 
history  of  the  land-aided  roads  and  on  the  existing 
status  of  their  debt  to  the  government.  On  the 
completion  of  his  work  as  head  of  the  Commission 
he  returned  to  Philadelphia  and  devoted  his  atten- 
tion to  the  bank. 

He  was  a  lay  delegate  to  the  General  Conference 
of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  in  1884  and 
1888;  in  1890  fraternal  delegate  to  the  General 
Conference  of  the  M.  E.  Church  South,  and  in 
1891,  a  delegate  to  the  Methodist  CEcumenical 
Council,  held  in  "Washington,  D.  C.  In  1884, 
Dicldnson  College  conferred  upon  him  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Laws,  In  1890,  owing  to  the  errors 
of  the  Republican  party,  the  Democracy  seized  the 
golden  opportunity  and  again  nominated  Mr.  Pat- 
tison  to  the  Executive  office.  His  campaign  was 
a  vigorous  and  aggressive  one,  and  his  speeches 
wero  masterly  presentations  of  the  real  issues 
before  the  people. 

For  a  second  time  he  carried  Pennsylvania  on  a 
platform  of  reform,  being  elected  by  a  majority  of 
16,554,  although  the  Republican  candidates  for 
Lieutenant-Governor  and  Secretary  of  Internal 
Affairs  were  elected  by  majorities  above  20,000. 
His  victory  gave  him  a  position  of  national  impor- 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  43 

tance.     He  was  inaugurated  January  20, 1891,  for 
the  term  of  four  years. 

]\lr.  Pattison  enjoys  the  perfect  confidence  not 
only  of  his  own  piirtv,  but  of  the  community  in 
general.  Many  ^vould  hail  his  nomination  for  tlie 
Presidency  with  enthusiasm. 

THOMAS    B.  REED 

rriHE  history  of  our  country  shows  tliat  in  eyery 
-*-  great  crisis  and  emergency  men  liaye  come 
forward  who  were  equal  to  the  occasion.  An 
"extraordinary  demand  has  always  developed  ex- 
iraordinary  characters  and  has  been  fruitful  in 
remarkable  achieyements.  From  the  period  of 
the  Reyolution  down  to  the  present  time,  states- 
men who  would  compare  favorably  with  those  of 
any  other  nation,  have  appeared  upon  the  scene 
of  action.  Those  who  established  our  national 
policy  and  guided  the  young  republic  through  its 
early  career  were  not  more  conspicuous  than  those 
who,  in  later  times,  have  shaped  the  events  whose 
record  is  written  upon  the  enduring  j)ages  of  his- 
tory. It  is  but  just  to  say  that  our  nation  has 
been  gifted  with  wise  and  able  statesmen,  nor  do 
we  need  to  go  far  back  to  discover  their  names. 

Stormy  times  always  bring  grand  men  to  the 
front,  the  occasion  affording  opportunity  for  leaders 
of  intellectual  force,  heroic  courage  and  glowing 
patriotism.     It  has  been  no  light  task  to  guide 


44  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

American  affairs  during  the  period  immediately 
following  our  great  Civil  War.  The  conflict  of 
opinions  has  raged  under  the  dome  of  the  Capitol. 
This  was  only  to  be  expected,  for  a  nation  like 
ours,  covering  so  vast  an  extent  of  territory,  the 
life  of  which  is  composed  of  interests  so  varied, 
and  where  there  is  always  a  strong  local  feeling, 
must  find  that  there  will  be  differences  of  opinion 
r'^specting  many  questions  of  national  policy. 

Few  men  have  lately  occupied  more  public 
attention  than  Thomas  Brackett  Reed,  a  man  con- 
structed on  a  broad  plan,  with  abundance  of  mate- 
rial put  into  his  original  composition,  and  physi- 
cally and  intellectually  the  peer  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous Americans  who  have  gone  before  him. 
As  a  party  leader,  he  has  shown  pre-eminent 
abilities,  while  at  the  same  time  he  possesses  the 
elements  of  personal  popularity  to  a  remarkable 
degree.  He  appears  to  have  gained  his  full  growth, 
is  not  confined  within  narrow  limits,  and  is  so 
ample  in  thought,  energy  and  deed,  that  he  must 
be  considered  a  grand  outgrowth  of  American 
institutions. 

Mr.  Reed  was  born  in  Maine,  October  18th, 
1839.  After  the  usual  common-school  education, 
which  the  most  of  American  boys  are  fortunate  in 
being  able  to  obtain,  he  continued  his  studies  and 
graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  in  1860.  The  choice 
of  his  profession  was  that  of  law,  and  he  imme- 


\ 


CELEBEATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS.  45 

diatelj  began  its  study  after  leaving  College.  For 
a  short  time  lie  was  diverted  from  the  practice  of 
his  profession,  becoming  acting  paymaster  in  the 
Navy  in  1864.  Here,  hov/ever,  he  remained  only 
a  year,  and  then  resumed  his  profession. 

His  comprehensive  knowledge  of  current  politics 
and  his  sound  Republican  principles  made  him 
widely  known  in  his  own  locality,  and  he  was 
honored  with  an  election  to  the  lower  branch  of 
the  Maine  Legislature  in  1868.  At  the  next  elec- 
tion he  was  made  Senator  and  was  transferred  to 
the  upper  house.  For  two  years  he  was  attorney- 
general  of  the  State,  and  city  solicitor  for  Portland 
for  a  term  of  four  years.  During  all  this  time  his 
reputation  was  extending,  his  marked  qualities 
were  showing  themselves,  his  strong  Individ ualit}' 
was  attracting  observation,  and  it  became  evident 
that  he  had  abundant  qualifications  for  a  sphere  of 
the  widest  political  action. 

The  next  step  in  his  career  was  his  election  to 
Congress,  in  1876.  He  has  since  been  continuously 
re-elected,  a  fact  in  itself  affording  sufficient  evi- 
dence of  his  great  popularity  and  the  unbounded 
confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his  constituents.  It 
was  soon  admitted  in  Washington  that  a  man  of 
extraordinary  parts  had  taken  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  He  did  not  commit 
the  error  of  expressing  his  views  on  every  little 
subject,  on  every  little   occasion,  but  when  the 


46  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

turning-points  came  and  matters  of  weighty  import 
were  to  be  decided,  Mr.  Eeed  stood  in  the  centre 
of  the  arena,  a  valiant  champion  of  his  party  faith, 
and  an  opponent  with  whom  few  dared  to  measure 
arms. 

Mr.  Reed  showed  an  intricate  knowledge  of  par- 
liamentary law  and  usages,  having  made  the  con- 
duct of  public  business  a  special  study.  He  was 
quick  to  detect  any  blunder  or  mistake  in  the 
deliberations  and  modes  of  procedure  on  the  floor 
of  the  House.  Naturally  he  became  the  leader  of 
his  party,  having  a  clear  and  comprehensive  con- 
ception of  its  principles,  and  being  able  to  express 
his  views  with  such  force  and  eloquence  as  to 
command  attention.  He  assumed  his  position  at 
the  front  without  effort,  without  courting  favor, 
purely  upon  his  own  merits  as  a  statesman  of 
broad  views,  generous  impulses,  magnetic  force  and 
calm  judgment. 

He  became  the  central  figure  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress  was  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House.  It  soon  became  evident 
that  a  man  of  stern  will  and  remarkable  executive 
ability  was  in  the  chair.  Business  was  to  go  on. 
The  country  expected  legislation  and  was  to  have 
it.  The  subterfuges  and  delays  for  defeating  mea- 
sures of  public  importance  were  to  be  branded  as 
infamous.  The  old-time  usages  and  rules  which 
blocked  legislative  machinery  were  to  be  dragged 


CELEBKATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS.  47 

forth  and  slain,  as  Samuel  hewed  Agag  in  pieces 
before  the  Lord  in  Gilgal. 

Of  course,  there  was  a  stir  among  the  dry  bones. 
It  had  never  been  so  seen  in  Washington  before. 
A  new  man  was  at  the  helm,  a  new  life  and  vigor 
were  infused  into  the  deliberations  and  actions  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Men  who  had 
resorted  to  the  most  unscrupulous  methods  for 
defeating  projects  which  they  did  not  favoi^,  were 
respectfully  but  firmly  told  to  take  a  back  seat. 
Huleswere  adopted  for  ^^  counting  a  quorum,"  and 
permitting  public  business  to  be  transacted,  a  very 
wise  and  indispensable  proceeding,  as  would  be 
said  by  any  man  of  common  sense.  It  was  justly 
concluded  that  where  something  was  expected  to 
be  done,  it  was  the  height  of  idiocy  and  obstinacy 
to  allow  a  small  minority  to  paralyze  all  action, 
resulting  in  the  doing  of  nothing. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  a  storm  of  criti- 
cism was  awakened.  In  the  midst  of  it  all  Mr. 
Reed  stood  like  a  rock,  conscious  that  he  was  right 
and  that  the  position  he  had  taken  was  a  public 
necessity.  Americans  do  not  like  a  weak  man. 
They  had  found  a  strong  one,  and  the  entire  ap- 
probation of  his  party  sustained  Mr.  Reed  and 
applauded  his  administration.  lie  was  unmoved 
by  assaults,  bitter  criticisms,  storms  of  vitupera- 
tion. His  enemies  gave  him  the  title  of  "  Czar," 
berated  what  they  called  his  tyranny,  yet  inwardly 


48  CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

respected  him  and  bowed  before  the  majesty  of  his 
will. 

Time  has  justified  fully  the  position  Mr.  Eeed 
assumed,  and  the  very  rules  which  the  minority 
opposed  they  were  compelled  to  adopt  when  they 
became  the  majority.  Mr.  Keed's  views  upon 
great  public  questions  are  so  well  known  as  to 
require  little  reference  here.  Suffice  it  to  say,  he 
is  a  thorough  American,  believes  in  a  strong  for- 
eign policy,  is  an  advocate  of  reasonable  protec- 
tion to  American  industries,  and  stands  vrith  his 
windows  open  to  the  light,  ready  for  any  and  all 
measures  that  will  promote  the  widest  public 
welfare. 

In  personal  characteristics  and  force  of  character 
Mr.  Reed  is  a  typical  American  and  seems  abun- 
dantly able  to  bear  the  responsibilities  which  have 
fallen  to  his  lot  as  a  public  man. 

In  1899  Mr.  Eeed  resigned  the  Speakership  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  also  his  position 
as  Congressman,  his  object  being  to  take  up  the 
practice  of  law  in  the  city  of  New  York.  As  a 
public  man  he  had  been  too  honest  to  amass 
wealth,  and  he  now  considered  it  his  duty  to  devote 
himself  to  his  profession  and  make  provision  for 
advancing  years.  His  constituents  accepted  his 
resignation  with  many  expressions  of  regret.  It 
was  felt  that  a  majestic  figure  was  passing  from 
public  life  and  would  be  greatly  missed. 


CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  49 


ROBERT  T.  LINCOLN. 

"VTO  figure  in  American  history  is  more  majestic 
•^^  than  that  of  Abraham  Lincohi.  He  was 
called  to  lay  his  hand  on  the  helm  when  the  ship 
of  state  was  among  the  breakers  and  threatened 
with  destruction.  His  sturdy  common  sense,  his 
broad  statesmanship,  his  unswerving  patriotism, 
his  skill  in  handling  men,  combined  to  make  him 
a  great  man  for  a  great  emergency.  Such  an 
emergency  was  the  Civil  War,  through  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  displayed  the  qualities  of  a  great 
leader. 

The  fatal  bullet  that  resulted  in  his  death  left 
only  one  to  bear  his  honored  name  who  was 
destined  to  reach  mature  life.  Several  sons  died 
in  their  early  days,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  peculiarly 
unfortunate  in  the  loss  of  his  children.  One, 
Kowe\^r,  Robert  Todd  Lincoln,  grew  to  manhood, 
a  strong,  muscular,  well-proportioned,  vigorous 
man,  yet  not  closely  resembling  his  father  whose 
slender,  yet  rugged  figure,  towered  above  ordinary 
men.  Looking  at  the  faces  of  father  and  son,  one 
would  discover  no  marked  resemblance  between 
{.hem.  The  face  of  the  father  is  long,  spare  and 
marked  by  prominent  features ;  that  of  the  son  is 
more  round  and  full,  yet  is  characterized  by  what 

D 


50  CELEBRATED   POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

could  best  be  described  as  a  combination  of  intelli- 
gence and  dignity. 

Near  tlie  close  of  the  Civil  War,  we  find  Robert 
T.  Lincoln  a  captain  on  the  staff  of  General  Grant. 
Thus  the  White  House  was  represented  on  the 
battle-field,  and  the  only  son  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  took  up  arms  in  defense  of  his 
country.  No  stronger  evidence  could  be  furnished 
of  the  patriotic  spirit  which  pervaded  the  high 
places  of  the  land.  Although  young  at  this  time, 
Mr.  Lincoln  showed  the  commanding  qualities 
which  distinguished  his  father,  and  was  a  faithful 
and  efiicient  staff-officer. 

Lie  was  born  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  August  1, 
1843.  Although  his  father  had  only  a  common- 
school  education,  and  somewhat  limited,  even  at 
that,  he  knew  the  value  of  education  and  resolved 
that  his  children  should  have  as  good  advantages 
as  he  could  possibly  furnish  them.  Robert  took  a 
course  of  study  at  Phillips  Academy,  Exeter,  N. 
IL,  and  at  Llarvard.  He  resolved  to  study  law, 
and  his  course  at  Harvard  was  shaped  with  this 
end  in  view.  Llavifig  been  admitted  to  the  bar, 
he  practiced  law  in  Chicago  until  1881.  Not 
merely  by  reason  of  being  the  son  of  President 
Lincoln,  but  by  reason  of  his  own  manly  qualities, 
sound  judgment  and  ability  in  his  profession,  he 
attracted  public  notice  and  was  already  embarked 
upon  a   distinguished  career.     The   public   press 


CELEBKATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS.  51 

pointed  to  him  as  one  in  every  way  worthy  of  a 
position  in  the  cabinet  of  President  Garfield,  and 
there  was  no  surprise,  but  rather  universal  gratifi- 
cation, when  he  received  the  portfolio  of  Secretary 
of  War.  This  office  he  retained  until  the  close  of 
President  Arthur's  administration,  when  he  re- 
turned to  his  practice  of  law  in  Chicago. 

The  position  of  Secretary  of  War  did  not  per- 
mit of  any  brilliant  display  of  talents.  It  requir  i 
strict  attention  to  public  affairs,  to  the  details  of 
the  office,  and  to  the  measures  relating  to  the  War 
Department,  which  were  from  time  to  time  enacted 
by  Congress.  All  these  duties  were  discharged  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  most  creditable  manner,  and  he 
became  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  members  of 
the  cabinet.  He  was  never  charged  with  any 
visionary  schemes,  was  sound  and  just  in  his  con- 
clusions, was  so  conservative  as  to  command  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  all  thoughtful  persons, 
and  left  his  office  with  an  enviable  national  repu- 
tation: 

When  President  Harrison  came  into  office  in 
1889,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  strongly  recommended  by 
his  friends  as  a  suitable  person  to  represent  our 
country  at  one  of  the  foreign  courts.  It  required 
no  urging  for  j\Ir.  Harrison  to  confer  this  honor, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  appointed  Minister  to  Eng- 
land. This  position  he  filled  with  distinguished 
abiUty  during  President  Harrison's  term  of  officf^ 


52  CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

and  returned  to  this  country  in  1893  when  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  began  his  second  administration. 
He  jDassed  gracefully  again  into  private  life,  yet 
was  not  forgotten  by  his  party,  who  have,  in 
various  ways,  shown  him  marks  of  the  highest 
esteem  and  expressed  a  desire  that  he  should  hold 
such  relations  to  public  affairs  as  would  enable 
him  to  render  the  services  that  could  be  expected 
of  him  in  view  of  his  past  successes. 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  strong,  forcible  speaker,  some- 
what resembling  his  honored  father  in  this  respect, 
exhibiting  the  more  weighty  and  convincing  ele- 
ments of  oratory,  in  contrast  with  the  brilliant 
pja^otechnics  by  which  so  many  men  in  public  life 
render  themselves  notorious.  He  is  a  fine  exam- 
ple to  the  young  men  of  our  country  in  those 
noble  qualities  which  go  to  form  the  best  manhood. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that  whatever  position  or  sphere 
he  may  occupy  he  will  prove  himself  to  be  a  public 
man  of  sterling  integrity,  strict  honesty,  safe  judg- 
ment, exerting  an  influence  which  will  tend  to 
promote  the  public  welfare  irrespective  of  all  party 
prejudice.  Such  men  are  the  nation's  treasure, 
her  most  enduring  riches. 

The  consciousness  of  personal  integrity  and  well- 
merited  appreciation  belongs  to  many  men  who  are 
not  panting  for  public  office,  yet,  if  it  is  bestowed, 
they  are  capable  of  showing  themselves  well-fitted 
for  the  task. 


CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES.  53 


WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON. 

rriHE  career  of  this  distinguished  Senator  affords 
another  striking  proof  of  the  power  and 
influence  belonging  to  the  individual  man.  Money 
talks  for  some  men,  social  influence  for  others, 
learning  and  culture  for  others,  and  brains  for 
others.  The  last-named  element  of  success  belongs 
especially  to  Mr.  Allison.  Combined  with  it  is  his 
sterling  integrity  and  a  character  that  has  never 
Veen  called  in  question. 

For  a  long  time  he  has  stood  in  the  halls  of  the 
United  States  Senate,  taking  an  active  part  in  all 
its  deliberations  and  debates.  He  is  considered  a 
statesman,  eminently  wise  and  safe.  While  it  raay 
be  said  that  he  has  gained  large  experience  in 
Congress,  it  may  also  be  said  that  he  brought  his 
experience  with  him.  He  was  a  man  of  public 
aff'airs,  prominent  and  widely  known,  before  going 
to  Washington.  It  was  but  natural  that,  having 
gained  a  local  celebrity,  he  should  be  transferred 
to  the  Avider  field. 

His  native  state  is  Ohio,  where  he  was  born  at 
Perry,  Wayne  County,  March  2, 1829.  Like  many 
others  who  have  molded  the  affairs  of  the  nation, 
he  spent  his  early  years  upon  a  farm.  While  the 
pursuit  of  agriculture  is  honorable  and,  fortunately, 


54  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

is  universally  considered  so.  it  is  proverbial  that 
farmers'  boys  rebel  against  the  hard  labor  and 
monotonous  life  incident  to  a  farm  and  seek  some 
other  calling. 

These  sons  of  farmers  constitute  some  of  the 
best  timber  we  have  in  the  nation.  Their  sur- 
roundings are  not  generally  luxurious,  they  are 
trained  to  habits  of  industry,  they  usually  obtain 
at  least  a  good  common-school  education,  and  by 
the  sheer  force  of  intellectual  ability  and  perse- 
verance, they  often  rise  to  positions  of  great  honor 
and  usefulness.  It  did  not  take  long  for  Mr. 
Allison  to  outgrow  the  farm.  He  had  an  ambition 
which  could  not  be  gratified  by  any  such  pursuit. 

He  was  educated  at  Allegheny  College,  Pa.,  and 
at  the  Western  Reserve  College,  Ohio,  after  which 
he  took  up  the  study  of  law  and  practiced  his  pro- 
fession in  Ohio  until  1857.  He  wished  to  locate 
farther  west,  where  he  could  be  identified  with  a 
growing  town.  He  removed  to  Dubuque,  Iowa, 
where  he  has  since  made  his  home.  Being  by 
nature  a  citizen  of  public  spirit,  interested  in  all 
that  concerned  the  town  of  his  adoption,  he  soon 
became  widely  known,  and  was  not  more  widely 
known  than  he  was  respected.  His  gift  of  speech 
was  such  as  to  inspire  confidence.  Matters  of 
grave  responsibility  were  at  once  connnitted  to  his 
hands.  Like  many  lawyers,  he  anticipated  public 
life  and  political  preferment. 


CELEBRATED   POLITICAL   LEADERS.  55 

He  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  con- 
vention that  nominated  Abraham  Lincohi  for  the 
presidency  in  1860,  and  in  the  following  year 
became  a  member  of  the  staff  of  the  governor  of 
Iowa.     When  the  war  broke  out  he  was  among: 

o 

the  first  to  offer  his  services  to  the  government, 
being  willing  to  let  his  profession  suffer  in  order 
to  help  maintain  the  cause  of  the  Union.  He 
rendered  valuable  service  in  raising  troops  and 
organizing  volunteer  regiments  for  the  war.  Those 
were  stirring  times,  and  the  exigencies  brought 
into  prominence  many  men  who  might  otherwise 
have  remained  in  comparative  obscurity. 

In  1862,  Mr.  Allison  was  elected  to  the  38th 
Congress  as  a  Republican.  He  served  in  this 
capacity  with  rsuch  fidelity  and  distinction  that  he 
was  re-electe(L  to  the  three  succeeding  Congresses. 
His  re-election,  his  neighbors  were  accustomed  to 
remark  facetiously,  was  chronic.  He  served  con- 
tinuously as  a  member  of  that  body  from  Decem- 
ber 7,  1863,  until  March  3,  1871.  Often  he  was 
appointed  on  important  committees,  and  being  a 
willing  worker,  was  soon  known  as  one  of  the  most 
industrious  members  of  the  House. 

At  the  same  thne,  he  kept  in  close  touch  with 
his  constituents  at  home.  Thev  marked  his 
achievements  and  were  proud  of  his  advancement 
in  the  estimation  of  the  public.  lie  was  always 
found  at  the  post  of  duty,  never  shuffled  or  evaded 


56  CELEBRATED   POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

any  question  of  impoitance,  was  always  willing  v^ 
have  his  opinions  known,  and  was  always  able  to 
give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that  was  in  him. 

In  1873,  he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature  of 
Iowa  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed  James 
Harlan,  and  since  that  time  has  been  re-elected 
almost  without  opposition.  Thus  it  will  be  seen 
that  he  has  had  one  of  the  longest  terms  of  ser- 
vice that  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  public  man. 
There  are  no  sensational  elements  in  his  character 
He  does  not  glare  like  a  meteor  nor  astonish  otherr 
by  ill-considered  and  unexpected  methods. 

Mr.  Allison's  character,  attainments  and  public 
services  have  been  such  as  to  point  to  him  for  a 
presidential  nomination.  Accordingly,  on  several 
occasions,  his  name  has  been  mentioned  in  the 
national  Republican  Conventions.  While  he  has 
had  a  large  following,  and  many  prominent  men 
in  the  Northwest  and  elsewhere  have  endorsed 
him,  others  have  distanced  him  in  the  race. 

It  is,  however,  a  high  distinction  to  be  promi- 
nently named  for  a  presidential  nomination. 
Such  an  honor  can  never  be  conferred  upon  a 
weak,  insignificant  man.  Mr.  Allison  is  one  who 
fully  justifies  the  confidence  of  the  pjublic  and 
whose  elevation  to  the  highest  position  in  the 
nation  would  be  fittingly  bestowed. 

It  is  frequently  the  case  that  men  of  repulsation 
diminish  and  appear  to  disadvantage  as  one  gets 


CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADEKS.  67 

near  to  them.  They  do  not  stand  out  in  all  the 
grand  proportions  pictured  by  our  imagination. 
"'Tis  distance  lends  enchantment  to  the  view," 
and  as  they  are  looked  at  from  afar  they  are  apt  to 
be  invested  with  very  heroic  qualities.  Then,  as  we 
get  a  nearer  view,  the  charm  is  dispelled,  and  the 
delusion  and  disappointment  become  apparent. 
Very  few  men  gain  much  by  a  close  inspection. 
We  are  apt  to  place  our  public  men  on  a  pedestal, 
and  look  up  to  them  with  a  kind  of  awe.  Upon 
a  nearer  approach  we  find  that  they  stand  on  the 
ground,  and  perhaps  are  not  so  very  far  above  tb^ 
common  level. 

It  has,  however,  been  said  of  Mr.  Allison,  that 
the  near  view  is  the  one  most  favorable.  He 
bears  acquaintance  remarkably  well,  and  while 
not  shov/y  or  dazzling,  there  is  much  about  him 
to  be  commended,  and  the  service  he  has  rendered 
as  a  national  legislator  forms  the  record  of  an 
honored  page  of  our  history. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Allison  indi- 
cates strength  of  body  and  of  mind.  He  is  large 
and  well  formed.  His  face  is  not  that  of  a  scholar, 
but  rather  the  man  of  affairs.  He  is  a  type  of  the 
sturdy,  honest,  practical  man,  who  conveys  at  once 
the  impression  of  good  sense  and  the  possession  of 
a  level  head.  In  his  speeches  he  does  not  circum- 
navigate his  subject,  but  comes  at  it  at  once.  He 
always  speaks  to  the  point.     Having   something 


58  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

to  say  and  being  able  to  say  it^  others  are  willing 
to  listen  and  be  instructed. 

He  has  the  rare  faculty  of  saying  what  he  means 
and  clothing  his  thoughts  in  such  language  that 
no  double  interpretation  can  be  put  upon  his  state- 
ments. The  quaint  old  adage  of  calling  a  spade  a 
spade  applies  in  his  case.  As  a  type  of  the  useful 
citizen,  the  able  legislator,  the  genial  and  hearty 
friend,  the  man  of  culture,  breadth  and  fullness, 
Mr.  Allison  is  conspicuous.  Such  men  at  the 
head  of  public  affairs  give  stability  and  confidence 
to  the  nation.  Our  country  has  been  favored 
with,  many  of  this  description,  and  among  this 
galaxy  of  shining  ones  must  be  placed  the  subject 
of  this  brief  biography. 

Mr.  Allison  is  a  fine  example  of  the  wise  and 
useful  statesman.  He  is  by  nature  too  cool  and 
self-collected  to  be  carried  away  by  any  gust  of 
mere  excitement  or  manufactured  enthusiasm.  On 
all  the  public  questions  of  the  day,  however,  his 
party  know  beforehand  where  he  will  be  found, 
and  how  surely  be  can  be  relied  upon  to  maintain 
his  position  and  defend  the  measures  of  a  Republi- 
can administration.  It  is  not  too  mudi  to  say  that 
he  is  a  tower  of  strength,  and  his  habit  of  looking 
at  all  things  judicially  and  calmly  commands  uni- 
versal respect  for  his  opinions  and  conclusions. 
He  is  the  type  of  statesman  w*ho  is  needed  in  the 
supreme  councils  of  our  nation. 


CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES.  59 


JOHN  WANAMAKER. 

rjIHE  career  of  no  business  ni^n  in  the  United 
-^  States  has  been  more  successful  than  that  of 
John  Wanamaker.  From  the  poor  boy  to  the 
foremost  merchant  of  our  tinie^  is  an  amazing  step. 
Others  may  be  accounted  self-made  men,  miracles 
we  might  call  them  of  energy  and  achievement, 
but  to  no  other  does  the  term  phenomenal  apply 
with  as  much  force  as  it  does  to  the  subject  of  this 
sketch. 

Not  only  is  Mr.  Wanamaker  the  greatest  mer- 
chant in  America,  he  is  also  one  of  our  greatest 
men.  By  this  we  do  not  mean  that  he  is  brilliant 
from  all  points  of  view,  that  he  is  a  profound 
scholar  or  a  great  orator,  but  in  all  the  elements 
which  go  to  form  a  true  and  noble  manhood,  a 
man  successful  in  all  his  undertakings,  and  a  pri- 
vate and  public  citizen  of  pre-eminent  worth  and 
influence,  he  may  be  considered  unique. 

It  has  been  quite  customary  for  instructors  of 
the  rising  generation  to  point  to  Mr.  Wanamaker 
as  a  shining  example  for  young  men.  The  young 
as  well  as  the  old  learn  best  from  object  lessons. 
That  Mr.  Wanamaker  should  have  been  selected 
so  frequoiitly  as  a  pattern  for  imitation  is  not  sur- 
prising to  those  who  know  him    best.     Standing 


60  CELEBEATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

conspicuously  as  he  does  before  the  public,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  he  should  have  his 
critics,  perhaps  even  enemies.  All  positive  char- 
acters do  have  them,  and  it  is  greatly  to  their 
credit  that  they  do.  What  impresses  one  espe- 
cially is,  that  Mr.  Wanamaker  has  so  many  sides 
to  his  character,  and  shows  so  much  of  genius,  not 
only  in  one  direction,  but  in  many.  It  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  if  he  had  been  engaged  in  any 
other  pursuit  than  the  mercantile,  he  would 
instantly  have  come  to  the  front. 

The  secret  of  all  this  is  simply  in  the  man  him- 
self. Having  the  ability,  it  cannot  help  exhibit- 
ing itself  under  all  circumstances.  The  man  who 
is  a  natural-born  leader  is  pretty  sure  to  lead 
wherever  you  place  him.  He  carries  in  his  own 
strong  will  and  iron  arm  successes  beyond  the 
reach  of  feebler  men.  Such  an  one  does  not  need 
to  have  greatness  thrust  upon  him ;  he  is  great 
already.  The  world  always  has  estimated,  and 
always  will  estimate,  men  by  their  successes. 
Judged  by  this  inevitable  standard,  Mr.  Wana- 
maker is  a  Saul  among  the  Prophets. 

He  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  July  11,  1838; 
attended  a  country  school  until  he  was  fourteen, 
and  there  obtained  about  the  only  education  he 
ever  received.  His  first  place  was  that  of  messen- 
ger  boy  with  the  publishing  house  of  Troutman  & 
Hayes,  at  the  exceedingly  modest  salary  of  $1.25 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  61 

a  week.  He  lived  over  four  miles  from  the  store 
and  footed  it  morning  and  evening,  eating  at  noon 
the  plain  lunch  brought  with  him  from  home,  put 
up  for  him  by  a  loving  mother's  hands.  Subse- 
quently the  family  lived  for  a  time  in  Kosciusko 
County,  Tncliana,  but  returned  to  Philadelphia  in 
1856,  where  young  Wanamaker  eventually  ob- 
tained emplojanent  in  Tower  Hall,  then  the 
largest  clothing  house  in  that  city. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  in  1861,  when 
he  was  twenty-three  years  old,  he  married  Miss 
Brown,  and,  having  obtained  a  very  small  capital, 
he  v/ent  into  the  clothing  business  in  partnership 
with  his  brother-in-law.  Here  the  qualities  of  the 
man  began  to  show  themselves,  and  he  became 
conspicuous  for  that  business  shrewdness,  push, 
and  perseverance,  enterprise,  courage,  and  breadth 
of  views  which  have  distinguished  him  ever  since. 

Of  course,  the  business  prospered  and  grew  rap- 
idly, until  in  time  his  clothing  house  became  the 
largest  in  America.  A  second  store  was  opened 
in  the  city,  and  afterwards  several  branch  houses 
in  other  parts  of  the  country.  It  is  noticeable 
that  from  early  manhood  Mr.  Wanamaker  devoted 
himself  enthusiastically  to  religious  work,  his 
activity  in  this  respect  keeping  pace  with  that  dis 
played  in  his  business.  He  established  a  mission 
school  in  what  was  then  a  poor,  neglected  part  of 
the  city,  so  infested  with  rough,  criminal  cliarac- 


62  CELEBEATED   POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

ters,  tliat  it  was  scarcely  safe  for  a  respectable  cit- 
izen to  walk  through  its  streets  after  nightfall. 

This  mission  has  grown  to  amazing  proportions. 
It  was  the  forerunner  of  the  great  Bethany  Church 
and  Sunday-schools,  which  have  attracted  atten- 
tion, not  merely  in  Philadelphia,  but  in  all  parts 
of  the  country.  It  may  as  well  be  mid  here  that 
in  connection  with  Bethany,  advantages  haA^e  been 
offered  to  young  persons  in  humble  circumstances 
for  the  study  of  various  secular  branches,  a  knowl- 
edge of  which  is  intended  to  prepare  them  for 
business  life.  Moreover,  arrangements  have  been 
made  for  the  founding  of  an  institute  which  will 
cost  from  one  to  two  million  dollars,  where  at  a 
nominal  rate  young  persons  of  both  sexes  can 
pursue  academical  studies,  and  have  ample  oppor- 
tanitios  for  manual  training.  This  is  one  of  Mr, 
Wanamaker's  crowning  achievements. 

After  the  Centennial  Exhibition  of  1876,  with 
the  financial  management  of  which  he  vfas  promi- 
nently connected,  he  opened  the  great  general 
store  in  Pliiladelphia  which  continues  to  be  one  of 
the  wonders  of  the  age.  It  occupies  an  entire 
square  in  one  direction  and  half  this  space  in 
another.  The  building  was  once  a  large  freight 
depot,  and  wiien  Mr.  Wanamaker  conceived  the 
idea  of  opening  a  store  of  such  gigantic  dimensions 
it  was  freely  prophesied  that  he  would  fail.  Not- 
witlip  Landing  all  reports  to  the  contrary,  there  has 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL   LEADERS.  63 

doubtless  never  been  a  time  when  Mr.  Wanamakei- 
was  anywhere  near  the  point  of  faiHng.  Failure 
does  not  seem  to  be  in  the  man. 

Mr.  Wanamaker's  methods  of  conducting  busi- 
ness have  shown  his  original  genius.  These  have 
been  quite  different  from  those  long  pursued,  being 
especially  noticeable  in  the  liberality  shown  to  the 
public.  They  are  made  to  feel  quite  at  home  in 
the  great  establishment,  are  treated  with  the 
utmost  courtesy,  and  if,  after  making  purchases, 
these  are  not  satisfactory,  they  can  be  returned. 
The  theory  is,  that  to  treat  the  public  liberally  pays. 

Quite  naturally  Mr.  Wanamaker  became  promi- 
nent as  a  citizen  and  public  man.  He  appeared 
to  have  no  ambition  for  office,  but  for  many  years 
was  fully  occupied  with  the  management  of  his 
vast  concerns.  His  counsel  and  advice  were,  how- 
ever, often  sought,  and  it  is  probable  that  no  pre- 
ferment within  the  gift  of  his  native  city  would 
have  been  denied  him. 

But  he  was  destined  to  hold  a  much  higher 
position  and  one  that  would  identify  him  w^ith  the 
affairs  af  the  nation  at  large.  Having  many  times 
declined  pubHc  office,  in  1889  he  accepted  the 
portfolio  of  Postmaster-General  in  President  Har- 
rison's Cabinet,  and  intoduced  into  the  department 
the  most  approved  business  methods.  His  efficient 
administration  did  much  toward  perfecting  and 
extending  the  postal  service. 


64  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

Mr.  Wanamaker  has  long  been  distinguished 
foi  his  liberal  contributions  to  benevolent  work, 
and  it  is  certain  that  more  than  one  institution, 
endowed  by  his  munificence,  will  stand  as  a  monu- 
ment to  his  business  capacity  and  liberal  spirit. 

He  takes  the  view  that  a  considerable  part  of 
his  vast  estate  should  be  distributed  during  his 
lifetime  under  his  own  care  and  supervision.  He 
is  not  willing  merely  to  part  with  his  money  when 
compelled  to  by  grim  death,  after  the  example  of 
a  great  many. 

In  1898  Mr.  Wanamaker  entered  again,  as  one 
might  say,  into  public  life,  and  made  telling 
speeches  on  the  political  questions  of  the  day 
throughout  Pennsylvania.  He  had  become  thor- 
oughly aroused  and  indignant  over  the  usurpa- 
tions and  outrages  of  machine  politics,  and  set 
himself  to  work  with  all  his  powerful  influence  to 
inaugurate  a  reform.  He  surprised  everybody 
with  his  masterly  command  of  the  situation,  his 
convincing  speeches,  his  bold  assaults  upon  the 
enemy's  lines,  and  at  the  same  time  his  disregard 
of  all  attempts  to  cause  him  to  accept  any  nomina- 
tion for  office. 

Not  being  a  man  who  puts  his  hand  to  the  plow 
and  looks  back,  he  gave  abundant  evidence  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  in  the  contest  to  stay,  was  com- 
mitted to  his  undertaking  and  would  pursue  it  to 
the  end. 


I 


CELEBRATED  PO1.ITICAL  LEADERS.  65 


MELVILLE  W.  FULLER. 

T  AWYERS  of  high  reputation  are  found  in  all 
parts  of  our  country,  and  here,  more  tha.n  ?n 
almost  any  other  profession,  it  is  difficult  to  draw 
distinctions  and  say  that  one  is  superior  to  another. 
Taken  as  a  whole,  the  profession  of  law  exhibits 
keen  intellectual  ability  and  marked  oratorical 
powei . 

Some  members  of  the  profession  have  been  emi- 
nent as  jurists,  such  as  Chief-Justice  Marshall  and 
Chief-Justice  Chase.  Others  have  been  eloquent 
pleaders,  like  Webster  and  Choate.  Others  have 
excelled  in  that  intellectual  acuteness  which  is 
especially  required  in  untangling  the  meshes  of 
the  law. 

It  is  true  that  very  able  jurists  have  been  placed 
upon  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Yet  these 
never  have  enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  legal  talent. 
Others  of  equal  ability  might  have  been  elevated 
to  the  same  position,  fulfilling  its  duties  with  equal 
efficiency. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  did  not  have  a  national 
reputation  until  he  was  nominated  for  Chief  Justice 
by  President  Cleveland  and  promptly  confirmed  by 
the  Senate.  That  such  an  honor  is  great  is  uni- 
versally conceded;  it  is  one   of  the  highest  that 


66  CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

can  be  conferred.  It  has  been  said  that  the  Supreme 
Court  is  peculiarly  the  pride  and  glory  of  our  coun- 
try. Although  this  was  said  by  a  member  of  the 
Court  and  appears  to  have  a  touch  of  self-praise 
about  it,  nevertheless  it  must  be  admitted  to  be 
true. 

Here  is  the  tribunal  of  last  resort.  Here  ques- 
tions are  decided  which  pertain  even  to  the  Consti- 
tution and  government  of  the  country.  Matters  of 
the  gravest  import  are  constantly  before  the  Court, 
vast  interests  hinging  upon  their  decision.  Beyond 
this  tribunal  there  is  no  appeal.  Its  word  is  final 
and  is  not  to  be  disputed  Its  decisions  pass  into 
laws,  into  principles  of  action,  and  even  become  a 
part  of  our  unwritten  Constitution. 

History  furnishes  a  record  of  many  tribunals, 
some  just,  some  unjust,  some  cruel,  some  merciful, 
some  pure,  and  many  corrupt;  but  in  all  the  long 
story  of  civilization  from  ancient  Egypt  down 
through  the  Greek  and  Roman  Empires  to  the 
present  day,  there  can  be  found  no  judicial  organi- 
zation more  worthy  of  high  honor  and  profound 
respect  than  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States. 

Intimately  interwoven  as  its  proceedings  have 
been  with  the  national  and  individual  life  of  our 
people,  calmly  deciding,  as  it  has,  matters  of  the 
gravest  import,  involving  vast  measures  of  wealth, 
political  consequences  unmeasurable  in  mere  money, 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  67 

and  questions  on  the  tarn  of  which  hung  millions 
of  lives,  no  taint  of  suspicion  ever  sullied  its  honor, 
the  serious  charge  has  seldom  been  made,  even  in 
the  heat  of  sectional  strife  and  bitterness,  that  its 
decision,  or  the  decisions  of  its  individual  members, 
were  guided  by  aught  save  the  cold,  passionless 
mandate  of  the  law,  clothed  with  the  significance 
that  each  one  attached  to  its  utterance. 

It  was  characterized  by  an  eminent  jurist  as 
"  The  court  which  interprets  the  living  voice  of  the 
Constitution."  ''  In  whatever  has  concerned  the 
national  welfare,  this  court  has,"  he  said,  "always 
stood  for  the  conscience  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States." 

The  character  and  eminence  of  its  members 
must  ever  be  a  subject  of  deepest  interest  to  all 
Americans,  for  it  is  readily  conceivable  that  with- 
out a  Marshall,  a  Waite,  a  Storey  and  a  Chase,  as 
Chief-Justices,  our  national  and  political  develop- 
ment might  have  proceeded  upon  lines  far  differ- 
ent from  the  ones  which  it  has  followed. 

The  position  held  by  the  Suj^reme  Court,  the 
importance  of  the  cases  brought  to  its  judgment 
and  the  far-reaching  effects  of  its  decisions,  require 
jurists  of  the  most  profound  learning,  the  widest 
experience,  the  utmost  patience  and  candor,  and 
personal  characters  above  reproach.  That  Mr. 
Fuller  meets  these  requirements  to  a  most  eminent 
degree,  is  universally  admitted.     He  was  born  in 


68  CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADEES. 

Augusta,  Maine,  Februnry  11,  1833,  and  twenty 
years  later  graduated  from  Bowdoin  College,  an 
institution  which  has  been  peculiarly  favored  in 
its  distinguished  graduates.  Having  studied  law 
at  Harvard  College,  Mr.  Fuller  entered  upon  the 
practice  of  his  profession  in  his  native  city  in  1856. 

His  mind  seems  to  have  had  a  leaning  toward 
journalism,  and  he  became  the  editor  of  the  Augusta 
Age,  while  at  the  same  time  he  became  prominent 
in  local  politics,  having  been  made  president  of  the 
Common  Council  during  his  editorship.  In  1856 
he  was  elected  City  Attorney.  But,  like  many 
young  men  born  and  reared  in  New  England,  he 
was  seized  with  the  Western  fever,  and  determined 
to  go  West  to  find  a  wider  field  for  his  energies. 
He  removed  to  Chicago,  where,  for  thirty-two 
years,  he  conducted  a  highly  successful  law  prac- 
tice, having  gained  immediately  a  wide  reputation 
for  legal  acumen,  and  for  honorable  methods  in  the 
management  of  his  cases. 

At  the  same  time,  he  did  not  divorce  himself 
from  public  aftairs.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Illinois  Constitutional  Convention  in  1862,  and  of 
the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives  in  1863. 
A  strong  Democrat,  he  served  as  a  delegate  to  all 
the  national  Conventions  from  1864  to  1880  inclus- 
ive, and  was  always  prominent  in  the  councils  of 
his  party,  where  his  word  had  the  greatest  influ- 
ence.    His  successful  career  naturally  pointed  to  a 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  69 

higher  position  of  service  than  he  had  hitherto 
occupied.  Not  only  the  men  of  his  own  party, 
but  his  fellow-citizens  generally  looked  upon  him 
as  an  able,  honorable  and  upright  man. 

When  President  Cleveland  selected  him  to  fill 
the  vacancy  on  the  Supreme  Bench  of  the  United 
States  caused  by  the  death  of  Chief-Justice  Waite, 
the  choice  was  pronounced  a  wise  one  by  those  who 
knew  Mr.  Fuller  best.  Those  who  had  not  known 
him  were  somewhat  surprised  at  his  selection,  but 
subsequent  events  have  justified  the  wisdom  of  the 
choice.  He  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate  July  20, 
1888,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  8th  of 
October  following. 

In  the  social  life  of  Washington,  Mr.  Fuller  and 
his  family  are  widely  known,  making  it  a  point  to 
entertain  their  friends  and  show  attention  to  stran- 
gers. Their  delightful  hospitalities  are  widely 
extended  and  thoroughly  enjoyed.  A  large  family 
of  daughters,  bright  and  well  educated,  lend  attrac- 
tion to  the  home.  These  have  been  reared,  not 
after  the  straight-laced  fashion,  but,  while  placed 
under  judicious  parental  restraint,  they  have  been 
allowed  such  freedom  as  develops  individuality  of 
character,  and,  to  a  considerable  extent,  independ- 
ence of  action.  They  think  for  themselves,  have 
opinions  of  their  own,  and  are  fully  equal  to  all 
the  social  functions  in  which  they  are  required  to 
take  part. 


70'  CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

Mr.  Fuller  has  received  the  degree  of  LL.D. 
from  Bowdoin  College,  and  also  from  the  North- 
western University.  This  is  simply  the  recogni- 
tion of  those  distinguished  abilities  which  have 
placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  highest  judicial 
tribunal  in  the  land.  In  person  he  is  of  medium 
height  and  build,  and  not  at  all  remarkable  for 
what  we  are  in  the  habit  of  calling  "presence." 
His  hair  is  white  and  is  worn  long;  his  face 
smooth,  with  the  exception  of  a  somewhat  heavy 
mustache.  His  features  are  clear  cut,  giving  evi- 
dence of  the  scholar  and  the  thinker. 

His  decisions  are  marked  by  learning,  ^jrofound 
insight  into  the  merits  of  the  case,  and  a  simplicity 
and  clearness  of  expression  which  render  them 
capable  of  being  comprehended  by  the  average 
mind. 

HORACE  BOIES. 

r\N  a  farm  near  Buffalo,  Erie  County,  New 
^-^  York,  the  subject  of  this  biography  was  born 
in  1827.  So  far  he  had  everything  in  his  favor, 
being  the  son  of  a  hard-working,  honest  farmer, 
and,  as  was  supposed,  destined  to  grow  up  in  a 
pursuit  which  is  honorable,  healthful  and  affording 
the  means  of  independence,  for  such  are  the  views 
universally  entertained  of  country  life  and  the 
great  farming  community.     Better,  most  persons 


CELEBRATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS.  71 

would  say,  thus  to  be  a  country  boy  than  to  run 
in  the  streets  of  the  city,  be  prematurely  developed, 
and  become  familiar  with  the  vices  of  the  town. 

A  sound  mind  in  a  sound  body,  is  the  first 
requisite  of  success  in  life,  and  if  this  is  not  the 
heritage  of  a  farmer's  boy,  where  else  can  it  be 
found  ?  To  roam  the  hills  and  fields,  to  breathe 
the  free  fresh  air,  to  feel  the  touch  of  nature  in  all 
her  varied  moods — all  this  is  something  to  be 
coveted  by  the  lad  who  means  to  make  his  mark  in 
the  world. 

Horace  Boies  worked  on  the  farm  as  assistant  to 
his  father  in  clearing  the  timber-land  until  he  wai 
sixteen  years  old,  and  during  this  time  did  manj 
a  hard  day's  work,  and,  to  his  credit  let  it  be  said, 
did  it  well. 

At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  went  West,  to  the 
great  State  of  Wisconsin,  under  the  impression 
that  there  he  would  have  a  better  chance  for  mak- 
ing his  way,  obtaining  a  livelihood  and,  perhaps, 
amassing  a  fortune.  He  found  employment  on  a 
farm,  but  did  not  long  remain,  for  the  reason  that 
he  was  eager  to  obtain  an  education.  He  returned 
to  his  old  home,  took  an  academic  course  of  study, 
and  went  into  a  lawyer's  office. 

In  1852  he  began  the  practice  of  his  profession 
in  Buffalo,  and  in  a  few  years  had  established  an 
excellent  reputation  as  a  criminal  lawyer.  vStill 
his    mind    was  turned    toward  the  West,  and  he 


72  CELEBKATED  POLITICAL  LEADERS. 

resolved  to  make  another  trial,  with  the  intention 
and  hope  of  becoming  more  prominent  in  public 
affairs  than  was  likely  to  be  the  case  if  he  remained 
in  the  city  where  he  had  begun  the  practice  of  his 
profession. 

He  removed  to  Waterloo,  Iowa,  in  1867,  and 
there  practiced  in  partnership  with  H.  B.  Allen  for 
several  years.  He  was  afterwards  associated  with 
C.  F.  Couch  until  that  gentleman  retired  to  become 
a  district  judge  in  1884.  Gradually  his  name 
became  widely  known,  his  ability  attracted  notice, 
and,  being  a  staunch  Democrat,  he  soon  became 
one  of  the  most  influential  managers  of  his  party 
in  the  State.  They  honored  him  with  the  nomina- 
tion for  governor  in  1889,  and  so  great  was  his 
popularity  that  he  was  elected.  Two  years  later 
he  was  re-elected,  but  was  subsequently  defeated, 
although  the  excellence  of  his  administration  was 
universally  admitted. 

The  triumph  of  the  Democratic  party  in  1889 
under  his  leadership  was  one  of  the  unexpected 
revolutions  in  the  State  of  Iowa,  to  which  his  per- 
sonal popularity  and  masterly  qualities  as  a  leader 
largely  contributed.  He  led  the  fight  against  pro- 
hibition legislation  and  gained  a  complete  victory. 

Mr.  Boies  was  the  choice  of  the  Iowa  and  several 
other  State  delegations  for  the  Presidency  in  the 
Democratic  National  Convention  of  1892.  For  a 
number    of  years   he    has   been   regarded   as  the 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  /  ] 

leader  of  his  party  in  Iowa,  a  skillful  politician 
and  effective  speaker,  a  wise  administrator  of  pub- 
lic office,  and  every  way  worthy  of  the  great  con- 
fidence reposed  in  him  by  his  constituents. 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

"TTERY  few  men  in  the  United  States  have  made 
'  such  a  record  at  such  an  age  as  has  Theodore 
Roosevelt.  No  other  young  man  of  the  old  New 
York  families  inheriting  wealth  and  position 
has  done  anything  to  compare  with  him.  He  was 
born  in  New  York  City,  October  27,  1858.  He 
graduated  from  Harvard,  and  the  next  year  was 
elected  to  the  New  York  Assembly,  on  the  Repub- 
lican ticket.  Young  as  he  was  he  led  the  minor- 
ity in  1882.  He  was  re-elected,  and,  in  the  face 
of  bitter  opposition,  carried  through  the  State  Civil 
Service  Reform  Law  and  other  measures  equally  im- 
portant, securing,  among  other  things,  a  great  im- 
provement in  the  management  of  city  affairs.  He 
was  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation  to  the 
National  Republican  Convention  in  1884  and  an 
unsuccessful  candidate  for  Mayor  of  New  York  in 
1886. 

In  1889  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission  ;  by  his 
tact,  fearless  honesty  and  force  of  character,  making 
Civil  Service  Reform  something  real  and  tangible. 
He  has  been  advancing  steadily  in  the  literary  world 


74  CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS. 

as  in  the  political.  He  owned  a  ranch  in  the 
Northwest,  spent  a  portion  of  his  time  there,  and  his 
works  have  in  many  instances  the  flavor  of  that 
region  in  them.  Among  his  books  are  :  *^  History 
of  the  Naval  War  of  1812/'  "  Hunting  Trips  of  a 
Eanchman,"  ''Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,"  "Life 
of  Gouverneur  Morris/'  "  Ranch  Life  and  the  Hunt- 
ing Trail/'  ''  Winning  of  the  West/'  ''  The  Wilder- 
ness Hunter/'  and  "  History  of  New  York."  He  is 
a  splendid  young  American,  one  whose  career  is  be- 
ing watched  with  interest  by  a  host  of  people  and 
one  who  is  likely  to  justify  the  regard  felt  for 
him. 

Under  President  McKinley  he  was  made  Assis- 
tant Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  resigned  on  the 
outbreak  of  our  war  with  Spain  for  the  purpose  of 
organizing  a  regiment  of  cavalry.  The  regiment, 
known  as  the  "  Rough  Riders,"  became  famous  at 
the  battle  of  San  Jaun  and  in  other  engagements. 
In  1898  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  elected  Governor  of 
New  York,  and  in  this  office  displayed  conspicuous 
ability. 

LYMAN  J.  GAGE. 

IT  was  while  employed  as  night  watchman  in  a 
Chicago  lumber  yard  that  the  opportunity  of 
his  life  came  to  Lyman  J.  Gage.  He  was  offercil 
the  position  of  bookkeeper  for  the  Merchants'  Sav- 
ings, Loan  and  Trust  Company,  and  accepting  it, 
he  began  a  career  which  eventually  led  him  to  the 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  75 

highest  position  in  connection  with  any  such  finan- 
cial institution,  the  presidency  of  the  First  Na- 
tional Bank,  of  Chicago,  and  Secretary  of  the 
United  States  Treasury.  Born  in  De  Ruyter, 
Madison  County,  N.  Y.,  June  28,  1836,  Mr. 
Gage  went  to  Chicago  in  the  fall  of  1855,  very 
poor  but  full  of  energy  and  pluck.  Accepting  the 
first  employment  that  offered,  he  became  a  man-of- 
all-work  in  a  planing  mill  and  lumber  yard,  being 
reduced  to  the  station  of  night  watchman  in  1858, 
when  the  Merchants'  Loan  and  Trust  Company 
gave  him  a  chance. 

He  rose  rapidly  to  Tthe  office  of  cashier,  and  in 
1868  he  went  to  the  First  National  Bank  to  oc- 
cupy a  similar  position.  He  became  vice-presi- 
dent and  general  manager  of  that  institution  in 
1882,  and  was  elected  president  in  January,  1891. 
Mr.  Gage  was  one  of  the  promoters  of  the  World's 
Columbian  Exposition,  and  Avas  one  of  four 
men  to  practically  guarantee  that  Chicago  would 
redeem  its  pledge  to  raise  $10,000,000  for  the  Fair. 
It  was  his  genius  and  tact  which  largely  made  the 
great  enterprise  what  it  was. 

He  was  unanimously  elected  president  of  the 
World's  Fair  directors,  but  his  duties  as  presi- 
dent of  the  bank  compelled  him  to  resign.  A 
high  compliment  was  paid  to  Mr.  Gage's  genius 
for  financiering  by  his  election  to  the  presidency 
of  the  American  Bankers'  Association,  and  a  high- 


76  CELEBEATED    POLITICAL   LEADERS. 

er  compliment  when  Mr.  McKinley  selected  him  to 
be  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  which  he  proved 
his  pre-eminent  ability. 

GEORGE  F.  HOAR. 

"VTOTED  for  his  legal  acumen,  his  broad  states- 
^^  manship  and  his  extended  and  diversified 
culture,  Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachu- 
setts, is  regarded  as  one  of  the  truly  great  men 
connected  with  the  Government  at  Washington. 
Born  in  Concord,  Mass.,  August  29,  1826,  he 
was  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1846,  studied  law 
and  begci  1  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Wor- 
cester. He  was  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
House  of  Representatives  in  1852  and  of  the 
State  Senate  in  1857.  He  was  elected  as  a  Repub- 
lican to  four  successive  Congresses,  serving  from 
March  4,  1869,  until  March  3,  1877. 

He  was  elected  United  States  Senator  to  succeed 
George  S.  Boutwell,  taking  his  seat  March  5, 1877, 
and  was  re-elected  in  1883,  1889  and  1895.  Sen- 
ator Hoar  was  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  Na- 
tional Conventions  of  1876,  1880,  1884  and  1888, 
presiding  over  the  Convention  of  1880.  He  was 
one  of  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  Belknap  impeachment  trial 
in  1876,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission in  that  year.  From  1874  to  1880  he  was 
an  overseer  of  Harvard  College,  and  in  the  latter 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  77 

year  was  regent  of  the  Smithsoniun  Institution. 
He  has  been  president  and  vice-president  of  the 
American  Antitjuarian  Society,  trustee  of  the  Pea- 
body  Museum  of  Archseoiogy,  trustee  of  Leicester 
Academy,  and  is  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  the  American  Historical  Soci- 
ety, the  Historic-Genealogical  Society  and  the 
Virginia  Historical  Society.  The  degree  of  LL.D. 
has  been  conferred  upon  him  by  William  and 
Mary,  Amherst,  Yale  and  Harvard  Colleges. 
Senator  Hoar  is  a  typical  American  statesman. 

GALUSHA  A.  GROW. 

RENOWNED  as  a  fearless  and  patriotic  states- 
man during  a  critical  period  of  the  country's 
history — modestly  retiring  at  the  end  of  that 
period,  only  to  be  taken  up  thirty  years  after 
and  elected  to  Congress  by  an  unprecedented  ma- 
jority— such  is  the  record  of  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of 
Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Grow  was  born  in  Ashford 
(now  Eastford),  Windham  county.  Conn.,  August 
31,  1824,  but  when  ten  years  old  removed  with 
his  family  to  Susquehanna  county.  He  was 
graduated  at  Amherst  in  1844,  after  which  he 
studied  law  and  practiced  at  Towanda  until  1850, 
when  his  health  failed  and  he  became  a  farmer. 
In  that  year  he  declined  a  unanimous  nomination 
for  the  Legislature,  but  was  soon  after  elected  to  Con- 
gress as  a  Democrat  and  served  for  twelve  succes- 


7<5  CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS. 

sive  years,  although  in  the  meantime  severing  his 
connection  with  the  Democratic  party  on  the  re- 
peal of  the  Missouri  Compromise  bill. 

His  period  of  service  was  distinguished  by  much 
important  legislation.  His  first  speech  was  deliv- 
ered upon  the  Homestead  bill,  a  measure  which  he 
continued  to  urge  at  every  Congress  for  ten  years, 
when  he  had  at  last  the  satisfaction  of  signing  the 
law  as  Speaker  of  the  House.  He  served  as 
Speaker  from  July  4,  1861,  until  March  4,  1863, 
when,  upon  retiring,  he  was  given  a  unanimous 
vote  of  thanks,  a  most  unusual  proceeding.  Mr. 
Grow  was  a  delegate  to  the  National  Republican 
Conventions  of  1864  and  1868.  In  1871  he  settled 
in  Houston,  Tex.,  as  president  of  the  International 
&  Great  Northern  Railroad,  but  returned  to 
Pennsylvania  in  1875,  and  in  1876  declined  a  mis- 
sion to  Russia.  In  1894  he  was  elected  Congress- 
man-at-large  to  succeed  William  Lilly,  deceased,  re- 
ceiving the  astonishing  plurality  of  188,294  votes 
over  his  strongest  opponent,  was  reelected  and 
again  received  the  nomination  from  his  party  in 
1900. 

ARTHUR  P.  GORMAN. 

ONE  of  the  most  outspoken  of  men,  with  appar- 
ently no  concealments  or  reserves,  and  with 
abilities  that  eminently  fit  him  for  the  high  po- 
sition in  which  his  party  has  placed  him.  Senator 
Arthur  P.  Gorman,  of  Maryland,  is  regarded  as  a 


CELEBEATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  79 

model  of  candor  and  honesty  in  the  upper  branch 
of  Congress,  where  for  a  number  of  years  he  rep- 
resented his  State  as  a  conservative  Democrat. 
Senator  Gorman  was  born  in  Howard  county, 
Maryland,  March  11,  1839.  He  received  a  public 
school  education,  and  in  1852  became  a  page  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  where  he  remained  until 
1866,  at  which  time  he  was  the  Senate  postmaster. 

On  September  1  of  that  year  he  was  appointed 
Collector  of  Internal  Eevenue  for  the  Fifth  District 
of  Maryland,  which  office  he  held  until  March, 
1869.  Three  months  later,  he  was  made  a  direc- 
tor in  the  Chesapeake  &  Ohio  Canal  Company,  of 
which  he  became  jDresident  in  1872.  In  November, 
1869,  he  was  elected  to  the  Maryland  Legislature 
as  a  Democrat,  re-elected  in  1871,  and  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  during  the  ensuing  session. 
He  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1875,  and 
served  four  years. 

In  1880  he  was  chosen  to  represent  the  State  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  succeeding  William  Pink- 
ney  Whyte,  and  was  re-elected  in  1886  and  1892. 
In  1899  he  retired  from  the  Senate,  but  continued 
to  take  an  active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  his  party. 
In  the  Senate  Mr.  Gorman  wielded  a  powerful  in- 
fluence. He  was  eloquent  and  forcible  in  debate, 
and  his  remarks  always  received  the  closest  atten- 
tion. When  a  complicated  or  momentous  question 
was  under  discussion,  it  was  usually  the  speech  of 


80  CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS. 

Senator  Gorman  that  cleared  the  atmosphere  like  a 
thunder  shower  at  the  close  of  a  sultry  day,  point- 
ing the  way  to  a  solution  of  the  problem. 

SHELBY  M.  CULLOM. 

AVERY  shrewd  politician  is  Shelby  M.  Cul- 
lom.  He  was  born  in  Wayne  county, 
Kentucky,  November  22,  1829.  His  family 
moved  to  Illinois  when  he  was  but  a  mere  child, 
and  he  grew  up  among  the  pioneers.  He  worked 
on  the  farm  in  summer  and  attended  the  district 
school  in  winter.  Subsequently,  as  has  been  the 
experience  of  so  many  of  the  strong  men  of  the  coun- 
try, he  taught  the  district  school  himself,  and  after- 
ward entered  the  office  of  a  law  firm  at  Springfield, 
111.,  and,  it  so  chanced,  used  the  very  books  that 
were  used  by  Abraham  Lincoln  when  he  studied 
law.  Mr.  Cullom  rapidly  acquired  prominence 
after  being  admitted  to  practice.  He  was  elected 
city  attorney  at  Springfield,  and  in  1856  was  elec- 
ted to  the  Legislature  and  was  voted  for  by  the 
Fillmore  adherents  as  Speaker  of  the  House. 

In  1862  he  had  become  a  man  of  prominence  in 
Illinois  and  was  appointed  by  President  Lincoln 
on  the  commission,  with  George  Bout  well,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  Charles  A.  Dana,  to  oppose  impor- 
tant claims  against  the  Government,  arising  from 
the  accounts  with  quartermasters  and  others  dating 
from  the  Civil  War.     In  1864  he  was  elected  to 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  81 

Congress  as  a  Republican  from  a  Democratic  district. 
He  remained  in  the  House  for  years,  and  in  1872 
returned  to  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives, 
was  elected  Speaker,  and  in  1874  served  another 
term  in  the  Legislature. 

In  1876  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Illinois,  and 
was  reelected  in  1880,  serving  in  that  capacity 
until  1883,  when  he  resigned  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
united  States  Se"nate,  made  vacant  by  the  death  of 
the  Hon.  David  Davis.  He  was  reelected  and  has 
not  yet  completed  his  current  term  of  service.  As  a 
political  organizer  Senator  Cullom  has  few  supe- 
riors, and  as  an  experienced  lawmaker  his  rank 
is  among  the  highest. 

JOSEPH   B.   FORAKER. 

A  STRIKING  figure  anywhere  would  be  the 
brilliant  and  aggressive  ex-Governor  of  Ohio, 
but  especially  attractive  of  attention  is  he  as  the 
leader  of  the  younger  element  of  the  Republican 
party  in  Ohio.  He  •  was  born  near  Rainsborough, 
in  the  State  named,  July  5,  1846,  and  worked  on 
a  farm  in  his  boyhood.  When  sixteen  years  old 
he  enlisted  in  the  Eighty-ninth  Ohio  Regiment 
and  served  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  until 
the  end  of  the  war.  He  was  made  sergeant  in 
1862.  After  the  war  he  spent  two  years  at  Wes- 
leyan  University  and  later  entered  Cornell, 
where  he  graduated  in  1869.     He  was  admitted 


82  CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS. 

to  the  Bar  the  same  year  and  practiced  in  Cin- 
cinnati. In  1879  he  was  elected  Judge  of  the 
Superior  Court  in  Cincinnati,  subsequently  resign- 
ing the  office  because  of  ill-health. 

Meantime  he  had  attained  popularity  with  his 
party  as  a  brilliant  and  capable  leader  and  became 
the  Republican  candidate  for  Governor  in  1883, 
making  a  splendid  canvass  though  not  a  successful 
one.  In  1885  he  was  again  a  candidate  and  was 
this  time  elected.  In  1887  he  was  again  elected 
and  became  decidedly  the  head  of  the  most  vigor- 
ous and  aggressive  element  of  his  party  in  Ohio. 
In  1889  he  was  defeated  by  James  E.  Campbell,  the 
Democratic  candidate,  but  remained  a  potent 
force  in  the  councils  of  his  party.  In  1897  he  was 
made  United  States  Senator  from  Ohio,  and  im- 
mediately became  one  of  the  most  prominent 
members  of  the  upper  branch  of  Congress. 

GEORGE  G    VEST. 

A  NATURAL  orator,  a  man  of  intense  feeling, 
generous  impulses  and  marked  ability,  George 
G.  Vest,  United  States  Senator  from  Missouri,  has 
become  well  known,  not  alone  in  the  State  he  rep- 
resents, but  throughout  the  country.  He  has 
been  a  conspicuous  Democratic  figure  in  the  Sen- 
ate for  years.  He  was  born  in  Frankfort,  Ky., 
December  6,  1830.  He  attended  the  High  School 
of  B.  B.  Sayre,  in  Franklin,  for  ten  years,  and  in 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  83 

1846  entered  Centre  College,  at  Danville,  in  the 
same  State,  graduating  in  1848.  He  studied  law 
and  removed  to  Georgetown,  Mo.,  to  engage  in  its 
practice.  In  1856  he  removed  from  Georgetown 
to  Booneville.  In  1861  he  was  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  but  soon  entered  the  Confederate 
Army  and  later  became  a  member  of  the  Confed- 
erate Congress,  in  which  body  he  served  two  years. 
At  the  close  of  the  war  he  resumed  the  practice 
of  the  law  in  Sedalia,  Mo.,  forming  a  partnership 
with  Judge  John  F.  Philips.  Mr.  Vest  from  this 
date  incidentally  took  part  in  the  political  can- 
vasses of  the  Democratic  party,  and  so  became 
widely  and  favorably  known  throughout  the  State. 
In  1877  he  removed  from  Sedalia  to  Kansas  City, 
intending  to  engage  in  his  profession  there,  but  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  as  a  Democrat, 
in  place  of  James  H.  Shields,  Democrat,  who  had 
been  elected  to  fill  the  place  made  vacant  by  the 
death  of  Louis  Y.  Bogy.  Mr.  Vest  was  reelected  in 
1885,  again  in  1890  and  again  in  1895.  In  the 
Senate  he  has  served  on  the  important  standing 
committees,  and  has  shown  the  possession  of 
statesmanlike  qualities,  while  his  gifts  as  a 
speaker  and  his  qualities  of  personal  popularity 
have  added  to  his  strength  in  that  body.  In  his 
own  State  there  has  been  no  candidate  opposed  to 
him  on  the  occasion  of  his  renominations.  This 
shows  the  estimation  in  which  he  is  held. 


84  CELEBEATED   POLITICAL   LEADEES. 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE. 

1  "THOUGH  one  of  the  youngest  of  the  Senators 
of  the  United  States,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  is 
by  no  means  the  least  conspicuous.  He  was  born  in 
Boston,  May  12,  1850,  and  is  a  member  of  one  of 
the  oldest  New  England  families.  He  graduated 
from  Harvard  University  in  1871.  Three  years 
later  he  graduated  from  the  Law  School  and  in 
1875  received  the  degree  of  Ph.D.  for  his  thesis  on 
the  land  law  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  quality  of 
his  acquirements  and  his  natural  talent  were  soon 
recognized  and  he  was  appointed  to  the  position 
of  University  Lecturer  on  American  History.  At 
about  the  same  time  he  accepted  the  position  of 
editor  of  the  North  American  Review. 

He  was  elected  to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature 
in  1880  and  reelected  in  1881.  He  acquired  rap- 
idly a  prominence  in  party  councils,  serving  for 
two  years  as  Chairman  of  the  Kepublican  State 
Central  Committee  and  appearing  as  a  delegate  in 
the  Republican  National  Conventions  of  1880  and 
1884.  In  1884  he  became  a  candidate  for  Con- 
gress and  was  defeated,  but  was  successful  in  1888. 
He  served  in  the  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first  and  Fifty-sec- 
cond  Congresses  and  was  reelected  to  the  Fifty- 
third.  In  1893,  with  the  expiration  of  the  Sena- 
torial term  of  Henry  L.  Dawes,  Mr.  Lodge  was 
elected  for  the  term  expiring  in  1899,  being  sub- 
sequently reelected. 


CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS.  85 

Mr.  Lodge  has  been  an  overseer  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity since  1884  and  is  widely  known  as  a  man 
of  letters.  He  is  the  author  of  a  number  of  books, 
among  which  are  "  Life  and  Letters  of  George 
Cabot,"  a  ''  Short  History  of  English  Colonies  in 
America,"  a  "  Life  of  Daniel  Webster,"  and  ''  Stud- 
ies in  History."  He  is  not  a  conspicuous  partisan, 
but  his  voice  is  potent  in  the  councils  of  his  party. 

DAVID  B.  HENDERSON. 

RIPE  experience  and  sound  judgment  are  no 
less  essential  than  intellectual  strength  and 
ibrce  of  character  in  the  man  who  v/ould  be  a  lead- 
er of  men.  It  is  a  combination  of  all  these  quali- 
ties that  gives  David  B.  Henderson,  of  Ii^wa,  his 
power  and  influence  in  the  National  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. Mr.  Henderson  was  born  at  Old  Deer, 
Scotland,  March  14,  1840.  He  was  brought  to 
the  United  States  when  six  years  of  age,  settling 
first  in  Illinois,  but  removing  in  1849  to  Iowa, 
where  he  was  educated  in  the  Public  Schools  and 
at  the  Upper  Iowa  University.  He  was  reared  on 
a  farm  until  he  was  twenty-one  years  of  age,  when 
the  Civil  War  breaking  out,  he  enlisted  as  a  pri- 
vate in  the  Twelfth  Iowa  Regiment,  in  September, 
1861.  He  was  soon  after  commissioned  First  Lieu- 
tenant, and  served  with  his  regiment  until  the  loss 
of  a  leg  caused  him  to  be  discharged,  February  16, 
1863.     In  May  of  that  year  he  was  appointed  com- 


5b  CELEBRATED    POLITICAL    LEADERS. 

missioner  of  the  Board  of  Enrollment  of  the  Third 
District  of  Iowa,  serving  as  such  until  June,  1864, 
when  he  re-entered  the  Army  as  Colonel  of  the 
Forty-sixth  Iowa  Regiment,  and  served  until  the 
close  of  hostilities. 

He  was  collector  of  Internal  Hevenue  for  the 
Third  District  of  Iowa  from  November,  1865,  until 
June,  1869.  In  the  meantime  he  had  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  Bar,  and  in  1869  he  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  law  firm  of  Sliiras,  Van  Duzee  &  Hen- 
derson. He  was  Assistant  United  States  District 
Attorney  for  about  two  years,  resigning  in  1871. 
He  was  elected  to  the  Forty- eighth  Congress  as  a 
Republican,  and  has  since  served  continuously  in 
that  body,  where  he  is  distinctly  one  of  its  leading 
forces.  In  December,  1899,  Mr.  Henderson  was 
elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
being  the  successor  of  Thomas  B.  Reed,  who  be- 
came so  distinguished  as  the  leader  of  his  party  in 
Congress. 


87 


POLITICAL  PARTIES. 


Abolitionists. 
During  the  Revolution,  and  when  the  Constitu- 
tion was  made,  various  societies  were  formed  for 
the  aholition  of  slavery,  the  first  originating  in 
Philadelphia,  April  14,  1775,  with  Benjamin 
Franklin  as  president.  A  second  society  with  the 
same  purpose  in  view,  formed  in  New  York,  Jan- 
aary  25,  1785,  with  John  Jay  as  president  (later 
succeeded  hy  Alexander  Hamilton).  These  were 
the  beginnings  of  many  throughout  the  States, 
their  meetings,  publications  and  petitions  being 
treated  respectfully  until  the  development  of  cotton 
planting  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury raised  the  price  of  slaves,  when  the  struggle 
between  the  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery  interests 
began.  The  contest  out  of  which  the  term  Aholi- 
tion grew  dates  with  William  Lloyd  Garrison's 
arraignment  of  slave-holders  as  criminals  in  1829, 
he  two  years  later  publishing  "  The  Liberator." 
This  was  afterward  followed  by  the  formation  in 
Boston  of  the  Neio  England  Anti- Slavery  Society^ 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  cause  of  emancx- 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  89 

pation,  and  with  a  similar  object  at  Philadelphia, 
the  creation  of  the  Americaji  Anti-Slave)-//  Society. 

The  Abolitionists  appeared  in  1840,  as  a  distinc- 
tive party,  calling  themselves  the  Liberty  Party ^ 
whose  advocacy  finally  culminated  in  the  Emanci- 
pation Proclamation  of  January  1,  1863.  In 
February,  1866,  slavery  was  abolished  forever  from 
the  territory  of  the  United  States,  by  act  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  Abolition,  Whig  and  Federal  were  parties 
of  liberal  ideas  and  aggressiveness ;  when  their 
mission  was  accomplished,  each  disappeared  until 
called  into  life  to  meet  a  new  crisis. 

American. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  of  1853  occasioned  a 
split  in  the  Whigs  in  1854,  wlio  allied  with  the 
Know-Nothings  and  became  the  American  Party, 
In  1860  it  took  the  place  of  the  Whigs  in  the 
South. 

In  convention  at  Philadelphia,  September  16-17, 
1887,  the  name  again  assumed  as  a  party  politic, 
founded  on  '"  love  for  our  country  and  its  institu- 
tions, believing  that  America  should  be  governed 
by  Americans."     (See  Know-Nothings.) 

Anti-Federalists. 
One  of  the  first  two  political  parties  under  the 
present  Constitution,  the  outcome  of  the  Particu- 
larists.     They  were  the  opposers  of  the  Constitu- 


90  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

tion  of  the  United  States,  which  was  then  spoken 
of  as  the  Federal  GonstiUdion. 

The  Anti-Federalists  were  unwilling  to  take  cer- 
tain great  powers  from  the  States  and  give  them  to 
the  General  Government,  were  jealous  of  the  power 
of  Congress,  too  much  national  power,  lest  a  mon- 
archy should  be  established,  and  were  strong  ad- 
herents to  rights  of  State  and  local  self-government. 

In  1791  withdrew  against  the  Constitution^ 
turning  against  financial  measures  of  the  Federals 
toward  funding  of  State  debts.  In  1796  became 
the  Repuhlican  Party,  branching  into  Jeffersonian 
Kepublicanism,  afterward  becoming  the  Democrat- 
(See  Republican  and  Democrat.) 

Anti-Monopoly. 

Formed  May  14,  1884,  at  Chicago,  under  tht, 
title  of  The  Anti-Monopoly  Organimtion  of  the 
United  States,  demanding  economical  government, 
enactment  and  enforcement  of  equitable  laws,  in- 
cluding an  Inter-state  Commerce  Law  (a  lav/  en- 
acted in  1887),  establishing  Labor  Bureaus,  pro- 
viding Industrial  Arbitration,  direct  vote  for  Sena- 
tors, graduated  income  tax,  payment  of  the  na- 
tional debt  as  it  matures,  and  "  fostering  care  "  for 
agriculture ;  and  denouncing  the  tariif  and  grant- 
ing of  lands  to  corporations.  Joined  issue  with 
the  Greenback-Labor  Party  under  the  name  of  the 
^"  People's  Party." 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  91 

Bloody  Shirts. 

Applied  to  those  Republicans  who  are  continu- 
ally raising  the  late  war  issues ;  appealing  to  war 
sentiments.  The  term  originating  from  a  disguise 
of  the  Ku-Klux-Klan,  pictured  by  the  Republicans 
as  covered  with  negro  blood. 

Oarpet-Baggers. 

Applied  to  Northern  Republicans,  who  it  was 
alleged  came  South  after  the  war,  and  by  the  aid  of 
negro  votes  were  elected  to  local  and  State  offices. 
Being  so-called  transient  politicians,  it  was  said  they 
brought  all  their  effects  in  their  carpet-bags. 

Democrat. 

Anglicized,  from  the  French  word  democrate, 
which  finds  its  derivation  from  two  Greek  words, 
Demos,  the  ^*  people,"  cratos,  ''  government,"  liter- 
ally, "  one  who  is  in  favor  of  government  by  the 
people." 

The  party  successor,  in  name  of  the  Repuhli^ 
can,  dc'^cending  unbrokenly  from  Ant  I- Federalist, 
through  the  Jeffersonian  branch  of  Republicanism. 
Its  title  of  Democrat  being  fully  assumed  as  a  party 
name  in  1812,  at  the  second  election  of  Madison, 
as  President ;  in  fact,  as  a  party  it  has  remained 
almost  intact,  both  in  form  and  name,  from  the 
first  Presidential  election  (1789),  being  aided  by 
conservatism  and  a  policy  of  jiegation. 


92  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

The  adoption  of  the  word  Democrat  traceable  to 
the  mtroduction,  in  1793,  by  Citizen  Genet,  of 
France  (imitative  of  the  Jacobin  Clubs  of  Paris),  of 
sociable  clubs,  knoAvn  as  "Democratic  Societies;  " 
the  first  being  instituted  in  Philadelphia,  on  May 
30  of  that  year. 

The  party  constructed  and  maintained  upon 
the  principle  of  popular  government  or  popular 
sovereignty,  with  an  indifference  to  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  as  to  whether  it  was  voted  up  or 
down. 

In  1860  it  lost  a  section  on  squatter  sovereignty 
which  took  the  name  of  National  Democrats.  In 
1872  it  endorsed  the  Liberal  Republicans  as  to  the 
necessity  of  reform,  a  change  demanded,  lest  the 
disease  of  one  political  organization  infect  the  body 
politic,  and  lest  in  making  no  change  of  men  or 
parties  the  country  obtains  no  change  of  measures 
and  no  real  reform. 

Dough-Faces. 

Applied  in  1820,  from  a  remark  that  "  they 
were  plastic  in  the  hands  of  demagogues ;  "  a 
reference  to  the  action  of  certain  Republicans,  who, 
for  the  sake  of  a  compromise,  voted  in  favor  of 
striking  slavery  out  of  the  Missouri  Bill.    • 

Also  used  as  a  nickname  ;  given  to  Northern 
favorers  and  abettors  of  negro  slavery ;  meaning  a 
politician  who  is  accessible  to  political  influences 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  93 

and  considerations.  Likewise  given  to  such  North- 
ern members  of  Congress  as  manifested  especial 
willingness  to  fall  in  with  the  views  and  demands 
of  the  South  on  questions  involving  slavery  ;  L  e., 
the  Northerner  false  to  the  principles  of  free- 
dom, or  the  Southerner  false  to  the  principles  of 
slavery. 

Federalist. 

From  the  French  word  Federaliste,  derived  from 
Latin  foedus,  foederis  ;  a  covenant,  a  league. 

One  of  the  first  two  political  parties  under  the 
new  Constitution  (1787).  It  was  the  outcome  of 
the  strong  government  Whigs  opposing  every  pre- 
liminary step  looking  to  the  abandonment  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  and  the  adoption  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  in  which  it  eventually 
succeeded,  thereby  creating  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, hence  its  name.  It  was  the  political  party 
which  favored  the  administration  of  Washington 
for  President. 

Through  Adams'  administration,  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws  lost  to  the  party  the  election  of 
1800.  In  1808  it  recovered  with  a  strong  minority, 
though  bitterly  opposing  the  war  policy  of  the 
Republicans,  on  which,  as  a  party,  it  eventually 
split,  merging  into  the  Whigs.  As  a  party  it 
disappeared  with  its  candidate  of  1816,  Rufus 
King. 


94  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

\ 


Fire-Eaters. 
Applied  in  1857  to  strong  anti-slavery  politicians 
of    the     North.     The    Southern    politician    who 
vehemently  denounced  the  Union  also  so  called. 


Pree-Soilers. 

Formed   in   1848,  from    disaffected    Democrats, 

advocating  Congress  should  abolish  slavery  where 

it  constitutionally  had  the  power  so  to  do  (intended 

to  apply  to  the  District  of  Columbia),  that  it  should 

not  interfere  with  the  slave  States,  but  prohibit  it 

in  the  Territories.     It  became  the  nucleus  of  the 

modern  Republican   Party,  drawing  largely  from 

the    Whigs,  in    1848,  who  were   opposed   to  the 

Omnihas   Bill.     The    name  of   Free-Soilers  came 

from  the  party  cry  of  "  free  soil,  free  speech,  free 

labor  and  freemen." 

Grangers. 

A  secret  society  first  formed  in  Washington,  in 
1867,  and  known  as  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry; 
the  subordinate  lodges  were  known  as  granges^ 
hence  the  party  name. 

The  object  was  co-operative  among  farmers,  in 
purchasing  supplies  from  first  hands,  thereby  doing 
away  with  middle  men ;  and  while  declared  not 
to  be  political,  in  order  to  serve  the  interest  of  cer- 
tain land  ends,  it  became  necessary  that  individ- 
uals representative  of  their  interests  should  be  in 
Congress,  and  to  serve  ^iiis  purpose  the  combined 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  95 

rnfluence  of  the  Grangers  was  secretly  brought  to 
bear  in  voting,  so  that  in  time  a  strong  political 
party  was  in  actual  existence,  somewhat  on  the 
principle  of  the  Know-Nothings. 

G.  O.  P. 

Initial  letters  of  the   Orand  Old  Party,  a  desig- 
nation of  the  modern  Republican  Party. 
Greenback. 

Party  favoring  an  unlimited  issue  of  greenbacks 
(paper  money),  or  an  issue  based  upon  the  resources 
of  the  country,  toward  easing  the  rigors  of  a 
money  panic ;  they  opposed  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  according  to  act  passed  in  January, 
1875.  In  1884  they  amalgamated  with  the  laboi 
element  under  the  name  of  National  Labor  and 
Qreenhack  Party,  as  against  Democrats.  Also 
called  Inflationists,  Soft-Money  Men,  and  Fiatists. 

Know-Nothings. 
Bartlett,  in  his  Americanisms,  notes:  "The 
Know-Nothing  Party  was  first  formed  by  a  person 
of  some  notoriety  in  New  York,  who  called  him- 
self ^Ned  Buntline'  (Edward  Z.  C.  Judson). 
Ned  was  once  a  midshipman  in  the  United  States 
Navy,  but  left  the  service,  and  commenced  the 
business  of  Americanism  on  a  large  scale,  by 
founding  a  secret  political  order,  of  so  exclusive  a 
character  that  none  were  to  be  admitted  as  mem- 
bers whose  grandfathers  were  not  natives  of  the 


96  POLItiCAL  PARTIES. 

country.  It  is  a  difficult  matter  in  a  country  like 
the  United  States  where  free  inquiry  is  so  common 
to  keep  anything  secret;  and  so  Ned  instructed 
his  proselytes  and  acolytes  to  reply  to  all  questions 
in  respect  to  the  movements  of  the  new  party,  '  I 
don't  know.'  So  that  they  were  at  iirst  called 
Dont-Knows  and  then  Know- Nothings^  by  outsiders, 
who  knew  nothing  further  of  them  than  that  they 
invariabb;  replied  to  all  questions,  '  I  don't  know/" 
The  platform  was: 

1.  Kepeal  of  all  naturalization  laws. 

2.  None  but  native  Americans  for  office. 

3.  A  pure  American  common-school  system. 

4.  War  to  the  hilt  on  Romanism. 

KU"Klnx-Kian,  or  K.  K.  K. 

A  secret  society  of  great  political  significance 
in  the  Southern  Central  States,  formed  in  1868 
for  the  intimidation  of  negro  voters  in  order  to 
defeat  the  Republicans.  They  traveled  at  night, 
disguised,  among  the  negro  sections,  not  hesitating 
at  various  outrages  on  the  race ;  and  before  their 
disbandment  by  Republican  Congressional  action 
in  1872,  it  is  stated  they  had  reached  nearly  300,- 
000  in  numbers.  Their  general  purpose  was 
similar  to  the  White  Liners  of  Louisiana. 

Labor, 
A    general    name   given    to  labor  politics;    the 
divisions    or    factions    are    United   Labor,    Union 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  97 

Lobar,  Progressive  Labor,  and  the  Anti-Poverty 
Society.  All  divided  on  the  interpretation  of  the 
term,  "  the  land  for  the  people,"  and  a  direct  main- 
tenance and  protection  of  the  laborer. 

Loco-foco. 

A  division  arose  in  the  Democratic  Party  (Oct. 
29,  1835)  in  consequence  of  the  nomination  of 
Gideon  Lee  as  the  Democratic  candidate  foi  Con- 
gress, by  the  committee  chosen  for  that  purpose. 
The  nomination,  as  customary,  had  to  be  con- 
firmed at  a  general  meeting  of  Democrats,  called 
for  October  29,  1835,  at  Tammany  Hall,  New 
York  City.  Lee's  friends,  anticipating  opposition, 
assembled  in  large  numbers  in  order  to  support 
him.  The  selection  of  chairman  was  the  first 
question  that  arose,  and  it  tested  the  strength  of 
the  divisions.  The  Tammany  men  (friends  of  Mr. 
Lee)  supported  Mr.  Yarion,  while  the  Anti-Mono- 
polists did  similar  office  for  Mr.  Curtis ;  each  side 
claimed  their  party  as  the  duly  elected  presiding 
officer,  whereupon  great  confusion  ensued,  and 
during  the  excitement  the  lights  were  extin- 
guished. 

The  Equal  Rights  (Anti-Monopolists)  Party, 
having  witnessed  similar  occurrences,  or  having 
received  some  intimations  that  such  would  be  the 
course  of  their  opponents,  had  previously  provided 
themselves  with   Loco-foco  matches   and   candles, 


98  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

and  the  room  was  re-lighted  in  a  moment.  The 
meeting  continued,  and  the  Equal  Rights  section 
accomplished  their  object. 

The  "  Courier  and  Enquirer  "  newspaper  dubbed 
the  Anti-Monopolists  who  used  the  matches,  with 
the  name  of  Loco-focos. 

Mugwump. 

Imparted  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1884 
to  the  Independents  or  Republican  Seceders  who 
favored  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  reason 
that  a  change  in  administration  was  necessary,  as 
twenty-four  years  was  long  enough  for  a  party  t'> 
be  in  power ;  too  long  a  life-engrafted  corruption. 

The  meaning  of  the  word  had  no  connection 
with  its  political  application  or  use,  being  taken 
up  in  the  nature  of  a  by- word.  It  was  first  used 
as  meaning  a  Seceder,  by  Gov.  Waller,  of  Connecti- 
cut, and  by  one  of  the  New  York  dailies  intro- 
duced into  the  political  literature  of  the  time. 

Mugwump  is  an  Indian  word^  occurring  in 
Eliot's  Indian  Bible,  where  it  is  used  as  an  equiv- 
alent of  "  duke,"  as  this  latter  word  occurs  in  Gen- 
esis, chapter  xxxvi. 

National. 

A  split  from  the  Prohibition  Party  in  1896.  In 
addition  to  Prohibition  it  advocates  the  free  coin- 
age of  silver,  woman  suffrage,  and  the  abolition 
of  all  trusts  and  monopolies. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  99 

National  Prohibition. 

Out  of  the  Independent  Order  of  Good  Tem- 
plars, instituted  in  1851  on  the  Temperance  ques- 
tion, emanated  a  faction  with  political  tendencies, 
that  favored  and  elected  Neal  Dow  as  Mayor  of 
Portland,  Me.,  1853,  and  in  1854,  as  the  Temper- 
ance Party  elected  Myron  Clark  as  Governor  of 
New  York.  In  1868  Illinois  and  Michigan  had 
taken  up  the  matter  on  local  issues,  and  formed 
Temperance  and  Prohibition  political  parties. 

The  first  move  toward  a  National  Party  in  the 
interest  of  Temperance  was  in  May  25,  1869,  dur- 
ing a  session  of  the  Right  Working  Grand  Lodge, 
I.  0.  G.  T.,  at  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  when  a  meeting  was 
held  to  "  favor  independent  action  for  the  promo- 
tion of  the  temperance  cause,"  resulting  in  a  call 
for  a  National  Convention  to  organize  a  National 
Prohibition  Party;  the  meeting  was  ultimately 
held  at  Chicago,  September  1,  1869. 

The  first  Temperance  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency on  a  National  Ticket  was  James  Black, 
nominated  in  convention  held  at  Columbus,  0., 
February  22,  1872.  The  platform  declaration  of 
principles  claimed  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  bever- 
ages a  dishonor  to  Christian  civilization,  a  political 
wrong,  and  suppression  only  effective  when  legal 
prohibition  is  both  State  and  National.  That  the 
entire  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  is  declared 

IS 


100  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

to  be  a  principle  good  in  law  and  feasible  in  prac- 
tice. 

Native  American. 

The  Federalists  being  anti-alien^  the  Democrats 
naturally  sought  alliance  with  aliens,  as  foreigners 
with  the  five-year  naturalization  limit,  centering 
in  New  York,  filled  the  New  York  division  of  De- 
mocracy to  the  exclusion  of  native  Federalism,  in 
the  control  of  the  city  government,  and  to  meet 
this  condition  of  affairs  the  first  attempt  at  a  Native 
American  organization  was  made.  It  began  in 
1835,  and  with  the  mayoralty  election  of  1837 
failed,  was  renewed  in  1844,  with  the  vital  princi- 
ple of  American,  and  was  successful  in  electing  its 
mayor  of  New  York,  its  boom  being  incident  to  the 
action  of  Bishop  Hughes  in  a  speech  in  Carroll 
Hall,  1843,  in  which  he  advocated  a  distinct  or- 
ganization, as  a  party,  of  the  Irish  voters  of  New 
Yoi'k.  This  was  the  first  attempt  to  organize  for- 
eign citizens  for  political  purposes.  The  party 
advocated  the  extension  of  the  naturalization  laws 
to  twenty-one  years,  which  with  other  extreme 
measures  resulted  in  its  defeat  in  1845,  through 
the  strong  opposition  of  Democrats  and  the  Irish 
and  Roman  Catholic  elements. 

People's. 

Originated  in  New  York  in  1823,  as  the  Demo- 
cratic supporters  of  Mr.  Crawford  and  the  Albany 


POLITICAL  PAKTIES.  101 

Regency,  advocating  that  electors  should  be  chosen 
by  the  people  and  not  by  the  Legislature,  proclaim- 
ing they  would  favor  only  such  candidate  as  would 
avow  himself  in  favor  of  giving  the  people  the 
right  of  appointing  presidential  electors.  (See 
Anti-Monopoly . ) 

Personal  Liberty. 
Originated  in  New  York,  in  1887,  as  a  pro-liquor 
combination,  alleging  sumptuary  laws  having  no- 
where proved  effectual  in  extirpating  intemperance 
nor  in  reducing  immorality  or  vice,  but  invariably 
stirred  up  ill-feeling,  that  under  pretence  of  serving 
religion  and  morality,  of  aiding  in  the  prevention 
of  crime,  and  diminishing  the  causes  of  pauperism, 
attempts  are  multiplying  to  encroach  upon  the 
rights  of  person  and  property  guaranteed,  laws 
having  been  passed  detrimentally  affecting  time- 
honored  customs  and  individual  rights  and  privi- 
leges. "  That  as  a  political  body  they  use  all  hon- 
orable means  to  promote  tlie  cause  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty  by  insisting  upon  the  repeal  of  the 
obnoxious  portions  of  the  excise  laws  until  that 
result  be  attained." 

Populists. 

(See  Anti-Monopoly.) 

Progressive  Labor. 

The  radical,  or  socialistic,  element  that  withdrew 
from  the  United  Labor  Party,  at  Syracuse,  N.  Y., 


102  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

August  19,  1886;  their  platform  notes  that  the 
soil  of  every  country  is  the  social  and  common  in- 
heritance of  the  people  ;  that  labor  produces  all 
wealth,  which  includes  the  instruments  through 
which  alone  the  forces  of  nature  become  accessible, 
therefore  all  should  have  free  access  to  land,  and 
to  the  instruments  of  production  without  tribute 
to  landlords  and  monopolists.  That  to  the  imme- 
diate relief  of  the  working-class :  eight  hours  a 
day's  work,  no  child  labor,  no  female  labor  in  oc- 
cupations detrimental  to  health  or  morality,  an 
extension  of  the  common-school  system,  equal  pay 
to  both  sexes,  payment  of  wages  weekly,  first  lien 
for  workmen's  wages,  enactment  of  juster  laws  for 
liability  of  employer  to  employe,  abolish  contract 
system  in  prisons  and  on  public  works,  and  tene- 
ment-house manufacturing.  Have  thorough  sani- 
tary inspection  to  secure  health  of  laborers,  a  non- 
importation of  labor,  to  force  existing  beneficial 
\bor  laws,  equal  sex-citizenship  and  suffrage,  repeal 
blue  laws  interfering  with  interests  of  labor,  and 
all  conspiracy  tramp  laws,  class  legislation  and 
privileges ;  not  allow  Pinkertons ;  to  have  a  public 
ownership  in  industries  involving  public  franchises 
or  performance  of  public  functions ;  a  direct  issue 
of  money,  not  through  the  banks ;  a  special  tax  on 
unimproved  land  sufficiently  high  to  compel  its 
surrender  to  the  community;  tax  incomes  over 
$2,000  per  annum  graduated  to  be  most  heavy  on 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  103 

monopolists ;  demand  home  rule,  and  many  other 
"progressive"  planks  of  interest  to  the  labor  class. 

Prohibition. 
(See  National  Prohibition.) 

Republicans. 

From  the  French  repuhlicain,  from  the  Latin, 
respuhlica,  res,  "  an  affair,"  puhlicus,  puhlica,  "  of 
or  pertaining  to  the  people,  common  to  all." 

The  outcome  of  the  Anti-Federalists,  1796. 
When  the  Bill  of  Rights  to  recognize  the  equality 
of  all  men,  and  their  rights  "to  life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  has  been  incorporated 
m  and  attached  to  the  Constitution  as  Amend- 
ments, the  Anti-Federalists  amalgamated  with  a 
section  of  the  Federalists,  and  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  party  leader,  Jefferson,  it  became  known  as  the 
Repuhlican  Party,  Jefferson  promulgating  this 
name,  as  he  thought  the  name  Anti- Federalist  was 
inappropriate,  the  original  cause  of  the  name  hav- 
ing become  lost,  as  the  party  principles  were  more 
directly  the  opposers  of  Federal  party  measures. 

The  name  Republican  suggested  to  Jefferson 
through  his  being  an  ardent,  enthusiastic  friend  of 
the  French  Revolution  and  its  Republican  prin- 
ciples, and  maintained  until  1826,  when  as  repre- 
senting the  name  of  a  political  party  disappeared 
into  Democrat. 

As  a  party  name  Repuhlican  re-appeared  in  1855, 


104  POLITICAL  PAHTIES. 

they  interpreting  its  application  as  meaning  "  na- 
tionality." The  Republicans  have  twice  been  a 
strong  party  politic ;  the  original  looked  upon  the 
Union  as  a  democracy,  persons,  not  States;  the 
modern  Republicans  contemplated  the  Union  as  a 
Republic  of  itself,  believing  in  its  existence  as  a 
nation-republic. 

In  1859,  the  modern  adaptation  was  called  into 
existence  solely  to  resist  the  encroachments  of 
slavery  upon  the  free  territory  of  the  Union  and 
the  free  States,  that  there  should  be  an  entire  pro- 
hibition of  the  "  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  polygamy 
and  slavery,"  that  white  slavery  must  remain  and 
be  protected  where  it  was.  In  the  Republican 
platform  the  attempt  of  John  Brown  was  de- 
nounced as  "lawless  and  unjustifiable,"  denying 
the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  legisla- 
ture or  of  any  individuals  to  "  give  legal  existence 
to  slavery  in  any  territory  of  the  United  States," 
affirming  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  as  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
Republican  institutions,  and  that  the  rights  of 
the  States  should  be  held  inviolate,  and  especially 
that  "  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control 
its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance 
of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance 
of  our  political  fabric  depends." 

In  1876;  it  demanded  a  vigorous  Southern  policy 


POLITICAL  PAKTIES.  105 

and  arraigned  their  opponents  (Democrats)  as  seek- 
ing to  perpetuate  sectional  strife.  In  connection 
with  the  name  Republican  as  a  great  party  name, 
there  occurs  a  coincidence  worthy  of  note,  the 
"  Kepublican  Supremacy  "  of  each  party  extended 
over  the  space  of  twenty-four  years — 1801  to  1825, 
and  1861  to  1885. 

Tammany. 

A  society,  Tammany  Society,  otherwise  called 
the  Columhian  Order  from  1789,  composed  of 
New  York  Democrats ;  the  order  originally  formed 
by  William  Mooney  of  New  York,  an  upholsterer, 
during  the  administration  of  Washington,  in 
1789,  with  the  probable  purpose  of  antagonism  to 
the  Cincinnati  Society ,  which  had  an  aristocratical 
tendency.  Tammany  originally  having  in  view 
the  preservation  of  democratic  institutions,  from 
contamination  by  the  adoption  of  any  aristocratic 
principles. 

The  name  Tammany  or  St.  Tammany  adapted 
from  the  name  of  an  Indian  chief,  Tammenund, 
tradition  alleging  "  his  attachment  to  liberty  was 
greater  than  his  love  of  life."  The  belief  is,  that 
the  name  was  one  of  fancy  in  its  selection,  having 
uo  significant  meaning. 


106 


Interesting 
Facts  about  all  our  Presidents. 


ADMINISTRATION   OF   WASHINGTON. 

1789-1797. 

The  4th  of  March,  1789,  was  the  time  appointed 
for  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  go  into 
operation  under  its  new  organization ;  but  several 
weeks  elapsed  before  quorums  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  were  assembled.  The  city  of  New  York 
was  the  place  where  Congress  then  mot. 

On  the  6th  of  April  the  electoral  votes  were 
counted.  At  that  time,  and  until  1805,  each  elec- 
tor voted  by  ballot  for  two  persons.  If  a  majority 
of  all  the  votes  were  cast  for  any  person,  he  who 
received  the  greatest  number  of  votes  became 
President,  and  he  who  received  the  next  greatest 
immber  became  Vice-President.  When  the  votes 
were  counted  they  were  found  to  be  for  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  69  (all  of  the  electors 
having  voted  for  him),  John  Adams,  of  Massachu- 
>ietts  received  34  votes,  and  35  votes  were  cast  for 
\'arious  other  candidates. 

Charles  Thompson,  the  oldest  secretary  of  Con- 
gress, was  sent  to  Mount  Vernon  to  notify  Wash, 
ington  of  his  election.  Washington  promptly  sig- 
nified his  acceptance  of  the  office,  and,  two  days 
later,  started  for  New  York.     He  was  desirous  of 

107 


k 


108    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS, 

travelling  as  quietly  and  unostentatiously  as 
ble,  but  the  people  of  the  States  through  which  he 
passed  would  not  permit  him  to  do  so.  His  jour- 
ney was  a  constant  ovation.  Crowds  greeted  him 
at  every  town  with  tlie  most  enthusiastic  demon- 
strations of  affection  and   confidence ;    triumphal 


GEOKGE  WASHINGTON,. 


jlrches  were  erected,  and  his  way  was  strewn  with 
dowers  by  young  girls ;  and  maidens  and  mother* 
greeted  him  with  songs  composed  in  his  honor. 
In  consequence  of  these  demonstrations  his  pro^ 
gress  was  so  much  retarded  that  he  did  not  reach 
New  York  until  the  latter  part  of  April. 

On  the  30th  of  April  Washington  appeare4  on 


PACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OtJR    PRESIDENTS.        109 

the  balcony  of  Federal  Hall,  New  York,  on  the 
site  of  which  the  United  States  Treasury  now 
stands,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  in  the  presence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and 
a  large  crowd  of  citizens  assembled  in  the  streets 
below.  He  then  repaired  to  the  Senate  chamber, 
and  there  delivered  an  address  to  both  Houses  of 
Congress.  The  plan  of  the  new  government 
being  now  completed.  Congress  proceeded  to  its  or- 
ganization through  the  departments  of  the  judi- 
ciary, of  state,  of  the  treasury,  of  war,  and  c>/ 
attorney-general . 

President  Washington  appointed  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  State,  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
General  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary 
of  War.  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  was  made  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  Edmund  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General. 

Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania,  was 
chosen  Speaker  of  the  House ;  but  his  election  was 
not  a  party  triumph,  for  parties  were  still  in  a 
state  of  utter  confusion.  Between  the  extreme 
Anti-Federalists,  who  considered  the  Constitution 
a  long  step  toward  a  despotism,  and  the  extreme* 
Federalists,  who  desired  a  monarchy  modeled  on 
that  of  England — there  were  all  varieties  of  polit- 
ical opinion.  Washington,  through  the  universal 
confidence  in  his  integrity  and  good  judgment,  had 
the  ability  to  hold  together  the  conservative  men 


110   FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  all  parties  for  a  time,  and  prevent  party  contest 
upon  the  interpretation  of  Federal  powers  until 
the  Constitution  should  be  tested  and  its  value  de- 
monstrated to  the  people. 

In  1792  the  second  Presidential  election  took 
place.  Washington  was  anxious  to  retire,  but 
yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and  was  again 
chosen  President  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
electoral  colleges  of  the  several  States. 

The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February, 
1793,  and  found  to  be  for  George  Washington  132 
(all  the  electors  having  voted  for  him),  for  John 
Adams  77,  for  George  Clinton  50,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  4,  and  for  Aaron  Burr  1.  Washington 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1793. 

At  the  close  of  his  term  of  office  Washington 
withdrew  to  his  home  at  Mount  Vernon,  to  enjoy 
the  repose  he  had  so  well  earned,  and  which  was 
so  grateful  to  him.  His  administration  had  been 
eminently  successful.  When  he  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  the  Presidency  the  government  was  new 
and  untried,  and  its  best  friends  doubted  its  ability 
to  exist  long ;  the  finances  were  in  confusion,  and 
the  country  was  burdened  with  debt ;  the  disputes 
with  Great  Britain  threatened  to  involve  the 
country  in  a  new  war ;  and  the  authority  of  the 
general  government  was  uncertain  and  scarcely 
recognized.  When  he  left  office  the  state  of  affairs 
was  changed.  The  government  had  been  severely 
tested^  and  had  been  found  equal  to  any  demand 


I 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    Ill 

upon  it.  The  disputes  with  England  had  been  9»r» 
ranged,  and  the  country,  no  longer  threatened  with 
war,  but  was  free  to  devote  its  energies  to  its  im-^ 
provement.  Industry  and  commerce  were  growing 
rapidly. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1797— 4th  of  March,  1801. 

At  the  elections  held  in  the  fall  of  1796  the 
Federalists  put  forward  John  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, as  their  candidate,  while  the  Republicans 
or  Democrats  supported  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  contest  was  very  bitter,  and  resulted  iy 
the  election  of  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Jefferson,  recoiv 
ing  the  next  highest  number  of  votes,  was  da 
clared  Vice-President,  in  accordance  with  the  law 
as  it  then  stood.  - 

The  electoral  vote  was  counted  in  February  and 
was  as  follows  :  For  John  Adams  71,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  68,  for  Thomas  Pinckney  59,  for  Aaron 
Burr  30,  and  the  rest  scattering. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1797,  Mr.  Adams,  the 
second  President  of  the  United  States,  was  inau- 
gurated at  Philadelphia,  in  the  presence  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  was  in- 
augurated as  Vice-President.  Mr.  Adams  was 
dressed  in  a  full  suit  of  pearl-colored  broadcloth, 
and  wore  his  hair  powdered.  He  was  in  the  sixty- 
second  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  full  vigor  of 
health  and  intellect. 


112 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 


Mr.  Adams  made  ho  changes  in  the  cabinet 
left  by  President  Washington,  and  the  poUcy  of 
his  xdministration  corresponded  throughout  with 
thai  of  his  great  predecessor.  He  came  into  office 
at  a  time  when  this  policy  was  to  be  subjected  to 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


the  severest  test,  and  was  to  be  triumphantly  vin- 
dicated by  the  trial.  Mr.  Adams  began  his  official 
career  with  the  declaration  of  his  "  determination 
to  maintain  peace  and  inviolate  faith  with  all 
nationg,  and  neutrality  and  impartiality  with  the 
belligerent  powers  of  Europe." 


FACTS     ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         Hg 

During  the  summer  of  the  year  1800  the  se8.t  of 
the  general  government  was  removed  from  Phila* 
delphia  to  the  new  federal  city  of  Washington,  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  On  the  2 2d  of  Novem- 
ber, the  session  of  Congress  was  opened  in  the  un- 
finished capitol  of  Washington. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

ADMINISTRATION    OF    JEFFERSON. 

4th  of  March,  1801— 4th  of  March,  1809. 

The  elections  for  President  and  Vice-President 
w^ere  held  in  the  autumn  of  1800.     John  Adams 

H 


114    /ACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

was  the  Federalist  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  the  candidate 
of  that  party  for  Vice-President.  The  Eepublican 
or  Democratic  party  nominated  Thomas  Jefferson 
for  the  Presidency,  and  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  of 
New  York,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  alien 
and  sedition  laws  had  rendered  the  Federalist  party 
so  unpopular  that  the  electors  chosen  at  the  polls 
failed  to  make  a  choice,  and  the  election  was 
thrown  upon  the  House  of  RepresentativeSj  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  Constitution. 

The  votes  of  the  electoral  college  were  for 
Jefferson,  73 ;  Burr,  73 ;  Adams,  65 ;  Pinckney 
64 ;  and  John  Jay,  1.  The  States  that  cast  the 
<^lectoral  votes  of  their  colleges  for  Mr.  Jefferson 
fid  Colonel  Burr  were  nine ;  to  wit.  New  Yorl^- 
^Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia.  Those  that  cast  the  electoral  votes  of 
their  colleges  for  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
were  seven;  to  wit,  New  Hampshire,  Massachu 
setts,  Ehode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  and  Delaware.  Rhode  Island  cast  one 
vote  for  Mr.  Jay,  to  prevent  that  equality  of  votes 
on  the  Federal  ticket,  which,  for  the  want  of  a 
like  precaution,  resulted  on  the  Eepublican  side, 
and  which  caused  so  much  excitement  and  confu- 
sion. Mr.  Jefferson  and  Colonel  Burr  having  re- 
ceived an  equal  number  of  votes,  there  was  no 
election  by  the  colleges,  as  the  Constitution  then 


i 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    115 

stood.  It  then  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives,  voting  by  States,  to  choose  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
Colonel  Burr. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  1801,  after  thirty-six 
ballots,  the  House  elected  Thomas  Jefferson  Presi- 
dent, and  Aaron  Burr  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  for  a  term  of  four  years  from  and  after  the 
4th  of  March,  1801. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  the  new  capitol, 
in  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  4th  of  March. 
1801.  He  was  in  his  fifty-eighth  year,  and  hac 
long  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
men  in  America.  He  was  the  author  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  had  represented  the 
country  as  minister  to  France,  had  served  in  the 
cabinet  of  General  Washington  as  Secretary  of 
^State,  and  had  filled  the  high  office  of  Vice-Presi 
dent  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 
He  was  the  founder  of  the  Democratic  party,  and 
was  regarded  by  it  with  an  enthusiastic  devotion 
which  could  see  no  flaw  in  his  character.  By  the 
Federalists  he  was  denounced  with  intense  bitter, 
ness  as  a  Jacobin,  and  an  enemy  of  organized  gov 
ernment.  He  was  unquestionably  a  believer  in 
the  largest  freedom  possible  to  man ;  but  he  was 
too  deeply  versed  in  the  lessons  of  statesmanship, 
and  was  too  pure  a  patriot  to  entertain  for  a  mo  • 
wient  the  levelling  principles  with  which  his  ene- 


116         FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

mies  charged  him.  Under  him  the  government  of 
the  republic  suffered  no  diminution  of  strength,  but 
his  administration  was  a  gain  to  the  country. 

Mr.  Jefferson  began  his  administration  by  seek- 
ing to  undo  as  far  as  possible  the  evil  effects  of 
the  sedition  act  of  1798.  A  number  of  persons 
were  in  prison  in  consequence  of  sentences  under 
this  act  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration.  These 
were  at  once  pardoned  by  the  President  and  re- 
leased from  prison. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  seventh  Congress,  in 
December,  1801,  President  Jefferson,  in  pursuance 
of  an  announcement  made  some  time  before,  in- 
augurated the  custom  which  has  since  prevailed 
of  sending  a  written  message  to  each  House  of 
Congress,  giving  his  views  on  public  affairs  and 
the  situation  of  the  country.  Previous  to  this  the 
President  had  always  met  the  two  Houses  upon 
their  assembling,  and  had  addressed  them  in 
person. 

In  the  fall  of  1804  the  fifth  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republicans,  or  Democrats,  voted  for 
Mr.  Jefferson  for  the  office  of  President ;  this  time 
Mr.  Burr  was  dropped  by  his  party,  who  nomi- 
nated George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  his  place.  The  Federals  supported  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and  Rufus 
King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  was  one 
hundred  and  sixty-two  electoral  votes  for  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  Mr.  Clinton,  and  fourteen  only  for 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         117 

Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  King.  By  States  the  vote 
stood :  fifteen  for  the  Democratic  or  Eepublican 
ticket,  and  only  two  States  for  the  Federal,  These 
two  were  Connecticut  and  Delaware.  So  popular 
was  Mr.  Je£ferson's  Administration,  that  the  cen- 
tralizing party,  styling  itself  "  Federal,"  had  be- 
come almost  extinct.  He  was  inaugurated  for  a 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1805. 

Aaron  Burr  had  at  last  experienced  the  reward 
of  his  insincerity :  both  parties  had  come  to  dis- 
trust him.  After  his  defeat  for  the  Vice- Presidency 
he  had  been  nominated  by  his  party  as  their  can- 
didate for  governor  of  New  York.  He  was  warmly 
opposed  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  mainly 
instrumental  in  bringing  about  his  defeat.  Burr 
never  forgave  Hamilton  for  his  course  in  this 
election,  and  took  advantage  of  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  challenge  him  to  a  duel.  They  met  at 
Weehawken,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  opposite 
New  York,  on  the  11th  of  July,  1804.  Hamilton, 
who  had  accepted  the  challenge  in  opposition  to 
his  better  judgment,  and  who  had  expressed  his 
intention  not  to  fire  at  Burr,  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  died  within  twenty-four  hours.  In  him  per- 
ished one  of  the  brightest  intellects  and  most 
earnest  patriots  of  the  republic.  His  loss  was 
regarded  as  second  only  to  that  of  Washington, 
and  the  sad  news  of  his  death  was  received  in  all 
parts  of  the  country  with  profound  and  unaffected 
sorrow. 


118    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  murder  of  Hamilton^  for  it  was  nothing 
else,  closed  Burr's  political  career.  His  remaining 
years  were  passed  in  restless  intrigue. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF   JAMES   MADISON. 

4th  of  March,  1809— 4th  of  March,  1817. 

In  the  election  of  1808  Mr.  Jefferson,  following 
the  example  of  President  Washington,  declined  to 
be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  and  the  Democratic 
or  administration  party  supported  James  Madison 
for  the  Presidency,  and  George  Clinton  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  Federal  party  again  nominated 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and 
Rufus  King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  of  the 
election  was,  122  electoral  votes  for  Madison  and 
47  for  Pinckney,  for  President,  and  113  for  Clinton 
and  47  for  King  for  Vice-President.  By  States 
the  vote  stood :  12  for  the  Democratic  ticket,  and 
5  for  the  Federal.  These  five  were  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
and  Delaware. 

James  Madison,  the  fourth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1809.  He  was  in  the  fifty-eighth 
year  of  his  age,  and  had  long  been  one  of  the  most 
prominent  men  in  the  Union.  He  had  borne  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  convention  of  1787,  and 
was  the  author  of  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  1786^ 
which  brought  about  the  assembling  of  this  con(« 


FACTS     ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  119 

mention.  He  had  entered  the  convention  as  one 
of  the  most  prvominent  leaders  of  the  national 
party,  which  favored  the  consolidation  of  the 
States  into  one  distinct  and  supreme  nation,  and 
had  acted  with  Randolph,  Hamilton,  Wilson, 
Morris,  and  King,  in  seeking  to  bring  about  such 
a  result.  When  it  was  found  impossible  to  carry 
out  this  plan  Mr.  Madison  gave  his  cordial  support 
to  the  system  which  was  finally  adopted  by  the 
convention ;  and  while  the  constitution  was  under 
discussion  by  the  States,  he  united  with  Hamilton 
and  Jay  in  earnestly  recommending  the  adoption  of 
he  constitution  by  the  States,  in  a  series  of  able 
articles,  to  which  the  general  title  of  the  "  Feder- 
alist"  was  given.  After  the  organization  of  the 
government  Mr.  Madison  was  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Federalist  party,  and  gave 
to  Hamilton  his  cordial  support  in  the  finance 
measures  of  that  minister.  Towards  the  close  of 
Washington's  administration,  however,  Mr.  Madi- 
son's political  views  underwent  a  great  change. 
He  was  a  near  neighbor  and  warm  friend  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  v/as  greatly  influenced  by  the  opin- 
ions and  the  strong  personal  character  of  that  great 
statesman.  As  the  political  controversies  of  the 
time  deepened,  he  became  more  and  more  inclined 
towards  the  Republican  or  "  Strict  Construction  " 
party,  and  in  Mr.  Adams'  administration  took  his 
position  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  that  party.     At 


JAMES  MADISON, 


120 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         121 

the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  Mr. 
Jefferson  having  withdrawn  from  public  life,  Mr. 
Madison  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  the  Republican  party  had  come  to 
be  called. 

In  1812  Mr.  Madison  was  again  nominated  foi 
President  by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Elbridge 
Gerry,  of  Connecticut,  for  Vice-President.  De 
Witt  Clinton,  of  N-ew  York,  was  supported  by  the 
tinti-administration  or  old  Federal  party  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Jared  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
Vice-President.  Mr.  Madison  received  128  elec- 
toral votes  for  President,  and  Mr.  Clinton  89.  Mr 
Gerry  received  131  for  Vice-President,  and  Mr. 
Ingersoll  86.  By  States,  the  vote  stood  :  For  the 
regular  Democratic  candidates,  11;  and  for  tht 
Opposition  candidates,  7.  The  eleven  States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Madison  were  :  Vermont,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  and 
Louisiana ;  and  the  seven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clin- 
ton were :  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Khode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Delaware. 

Mr.  Madison  was  inaugurated  President  for  a 
second  time,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813.  The 
most  distinguishing  feature  of  his  administration 
was  the  war  with  Great  Britain.  Whatever  may 
be  thought  of  the  wisdom  or  the  policy  of  that 
war,  or  of  its  general  conduct,  the  result  unques* 


122     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

tionably  added  greatly  to  the  public  character  of 
the  United  States  in  the  estimation  of  foreign 
powers.  The  price  at  which  this  had  been  pur- 
chased was  in  round  numbers  about  one  hundred 
million  dollars  in  public  expenditures,  and  the  loss 
of  about  thirty  thousand  men,  including  those  who 
fell  in  battle  as  well  as  those  who  died  of  disease 
contracted  in  the  service.  At  the  close  of  his 
term  Mr.  Madison  retired  from  office,  leaving  the 
country  at  peace  with  the  world,  and  rapidly  re- 
covering from  the  injurious  effects  of  the  late  war. 
He  returned  to  his  home  at  Montpelier,  Virginia, 
where  he  enjoyed  the  society  of  his  friends  and  the 
general  esteem  of  his  countrymen. 

A-DMINI8TRAT10N  OF  JAMES  MONROE. 
4th  of  March,  1817  -4th  of  March,  1825. 
The  eighth  presidential  election  took  place  in  the 
fall  of  1816.  Mr.  Madison  having  declined  to  be 
a.  candidate  for  a  third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
nominated  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  for  Presi- 
dent; Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  for 
Vice-President,  and  elected  them  by  large  majori- 
ties over  the  Federal  candidates,  who  were :  For 
President^  Rufus  King,  of  New  York ;  for  Vice- 
President,  John  Howard,  of  Maryland.  The  re- 
sult of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was  183 
for  Mr.  Monroe,  and  34  for  Mr.  King,  for  President ; 
183  for  Mr.  Tompkins,  and  22  for  Mr.  Howard,  for 
Vice-President.    The  vote  by  States  at  this  election 


JAMES    MONEOE. 


P 


123 


124    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

stood:  16  for  the  Democratic,  and  3  for  the  Federal 
candidates.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Tompkins  were :  New  Hamp- 
shire, Rhode  Island,  Vermont,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten-' 
nessee,  Ohio,  Louisiana,  and  Indiana.  The  3  that 
voted  for  Mr.  King  were  :  Massachusetts,  Connec 
ticut,  and  Delaware. 

James  Monroe,  the  fifth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1817,  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age.  His  in- 
augural address  gave  general  satisfaction  to  all 
parties.  His  cabinet  were  :  John  Quincy  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  State ;  William  H 
Crawford,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Secretary  of 
War;  William  Wirt, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General; 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  These  were  all  men  of  distinguished 
ability,  and  thoroughly  identified  with  the  Demo^ 
cratic  party  at  the  time. 

In  the  fall  of  1820  Mr.  Monroe  and  Governor 
Tompkins  were  re-elected  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Monroe  re- 
ceived at  the  polls  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  every 
State  in  the  Union,  and  every  electoral  vote  but 
one.  The  electoral  college  of  New  Hampshire 
cast  one  vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  4th  of  March  this  year  coming  on  Sunday^ 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    125 

Mr.  Monroe  was  inaugurated  for  the  second  term 
on  the  succeeding  day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that 
month. 

Monroe's  election  had  been  so  nearly  unanimous^ 
and  party  divisions  had  nominally  so  far  disap- 
peared, that  his  administration  is  commonly 
called  the  era  of  good  feeling.  In  reality  there  was 
as  much  bad  feeling  between  the  Strict  Construe- 
tionists  and  the  Loose  Constructionists  of  his  party 
as  co^ald  have  existed  between  two  opposing  parties. 
The  want  of  regularly  organized  parties  had  only 
the  effect  of  making  the  next  Presidential  election 
a  personal  instead  of  a  party  contest,  the  worst 
form  a  political  struggle  can  take. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF   JOHN  QUINCE 
ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1825— 4th  of  March,  1829. 

In  the  fall  of  1824  the  presidential  election  was 
held  amid  great  political  excitement.  The  "  era 
of  good  feeling  "  was  at  an  end,  and  party  spirit 
ran  high.  There  were  four  candidates  in  the  fields 
Mr.  Monroe  having  declined  a  third  term  ;  Andrew 
Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, and  Henry  Clay.  None  of  these  received  a 
popular  majority,  and  the  election  was  thrown  into 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress,  and  re- 
sulted in  the  choice  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  as  President  of  the  United  States. 


126  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

The  result  of  the  electoral  vote  was  99  for 
Andrew  Jackson,  84  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  41 
for  William  H.  Crawford,  and  37  for  Henry  Clay, 
for  President ;  and  182  for  John  C.  Calhoun  for 
Vice-President,  with  some  scattering  votes  for 
others.  The  States  that  voted  for  Gen.  Jackson 
were  :  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Alabama — eleven 
in  all.  Those  which  voted  for  John  Quincy  Adams 
were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  and  New 
York — seven  in  all.  Those  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Crawford  were  :  Delaware,  Virginia,  and  Georgia. 
While  those  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were :  Ken- 
tucky, Ohio,  and  Missouri. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  having  received  a  large  majority 
of  the  electoral  votes,  was  duly  declared  elected 
Vice-President ;  but  neither  of  the  candidates  for 
President  having  received  a  majority  of  the  votes 
of  the  Electoral  Colleges,  the  choice,  under  the 
Constitution,  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, voting  by  States.  This  choice  was 
made  on  the  9th  of  February,  1825 ;  when,  upon 
counting  the  ballots,  it  was  found  that  John  Quincy 
Adams  received  the  votes  of  thirteen  States, 
Andrew  Jackson  the  votes  of  seven  States,  and 
Mr.  Crawford  the  votes  of  four  States.  Mr.  Adams 
having  received  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the 
States  was  declared  elected  to  succeed  Mr.  Monroer 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    127 

This  election  produced  great  discontent  through- 
out the  country,  and  most  seriously  affected  the 
popularity  of  Mr.  Clay,  as  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams  was  attributed  mainly  to  his  agency,  which 
had  been  exerted,  as  was  supposed  by  many, 
with  a  view  to  defeat  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson^ 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

who  by  the  returns  of  the  electoral  vote  seemed  to 
stand  highest  in  the  popular  favor. 

On  tiie  4th  of  March,  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams 
was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  the  son  of  John  Adams,  the  second  Presi- 
dent of  the  republic,  and  was  in  his  fifty-eighth 


128  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

year.  He  was  a  man  of  great  natural  ability,  of 
strong  personal  character,  and  of  unbending  integ- 
rity. He  had  been  carefully  educated,  and  was 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  in  the  Union.  Apart 
from  his  general  education  he  had  received  a  special 
training  in  statesmanship.  He  had  served  as  min- 
ister to  the  Netherlands,  and  in  the  same  capacity 
at  the  courts  of  Portugal,  Prussia,  Russia,  and 
England,  where  he  had  maintained  a  high  reputa- 
tion. He  had  represented  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts in  the  Federal  Senate,  and  had  been  secretary 
of  state,  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Monroe,  during  the 
last  administration.  He  was,  therefore,  thoroughly 
qualified  for  the  duties  of  the  high  office  upon 
which  he  now  entered.  He  called  to  his  cabinet 
men  of  marked  ability,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Henry  Clay,  who  became  secretary  of  state.  The 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams  was  one  of  remark- 
able prosperity.  The  country  was  growing 
wealthier  by  the  rapid  increase  of  its  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  commerce ;  and  abroad  it  com- 
manded the  respect  of  the  world.  Still  party 
spirit  raged  with  great  violence  during  the  whole 
of  this  period. 

During  Mr.  Adams'  administration  the  tariff 
question  again  engaged  the  attention  of  the  country. 
The  manufacturing  interests  were  still  struggling 
against  foreign  competition,  and  it  was  the  opinion 
of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States  that  the  general 
government  should  protect  them  by  the  imposition 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    129 

of  high  duties  upon  products  of  foreign  countriet 
imported  into  the  Union.  The  South  was  almost 
a  unit  in  its  opposition  to  a  high  tariff.  Being,  as 
we  have  said,  an  agricultural  section,  its  interests 
demanded  a  free  market,  and  it  wished  to  avail 
itself  of  the  privilege  of  purchasing  where  it  could 
buy  cheapest.  The  South  and  the  West  were  the 
markets  of  the  East,  and  the  interests  of  that  sec= 
tion  demanded  the  exclusion  of  foreign  competition 
in  supplying  these  markets. 

In  July,  1827,  a  convention  of  manufacturers 
was  held  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  and  a  me- 
morial was  adopted  praying  Congress  to  increase 
ftie  duties  on  foreign  goods  to  an  extent  which 
would  protect  American  industry.  When  Congress 
met  in  December,  1827,  the  protective  policy  was 
the  most  important  topic  of  th^  day.  It  was 
warmly  discussed  in  Congress  and  throughout  the 
country.  The  interests  of  New  England  were 
championed  by  the  matchless  eloquence  of  Daniel 
Webster,  who  claimed  that  as  the  adoption  of  the 
protective  policy  by  the  government  had  forced 
New  England  to  turn  her  energies  to  manufac- 
tures, the  government  was  bound  to  protect  hei 
against  competition.  The  Southern  representatives 
argued  that  a  protective  tariff  was  unconstitutional, 
and  was  injurious  in  its  operations  to  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  who,  being 
producers  of  staples  for  export,  ought  to  have 
liberty  to  purchase  such  articles  as  they  needed 
I 


130    FACTS  ABOUT  A^L  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

wherever  they  could  find  them  cheapest.  They 
declared  that  duties  under  the  protective  policy 
were  not  only  bounties  to  manufacturers,  but  a 
heavy  tax  levied  upon  their  constituents  and  a 
great  majority  of  the  consumers  in  all  the  States, 
which  never  went  into  the  public  treasury.  The 
tariff  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1828,  and  was  approved  by  the  President  a 
little  later.  It  was  termed  by  its  opponents  the 
"  Bill  of  Abominations." 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the  presidential 
election  occurred.  Mr.  Adams  was  a  candidate 
for  re-election.  The  contest  between  the  two 
parties,  the  Administration  and  Opposition,  over 
the  powers  and  limitations  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, became  almost  as  hot  and  fierce  as  it  was  in 
1800,  between  the  Federalists  and  Kepublicans  of 
that  day.  General  Jackson,  without  any  caucus 
nomination,  was  supported  by  the  Opposition  every- 
where for  President,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  for  Vice- 
President.  The  friends  of  the  Administration  put 
forth  the  utmost  of  their  exertions  for  the  re-elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  office  of  President,  and 
Richard  Rush  to  the  office  of  Vice-President.  The 
result  of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was,  178 
for  Jackson,  and  83  for  Adams;  171  for  Mr. 
Calhoun,  and  83  for  Mr.  Rush.  The  vote  for 
President  by  States  stood :  15  for  Jackson  and  9 
for  Adams.  The  15  States  that  voted  for  Jackson 
were :  New  York,  Pe^^nsylvania,  Virginia,  North 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    131 

Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky^  Tea 
nessee,  Ohio,  Louisiana,  Indiana,  Mississippi.  Illi 
nois,  Alabama,  and  Missouri;  the  9  that  voted  foi 
Mr.  Adams  were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa 
chusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermontj 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JACKSON 
March  4th,  1829— March  4th,  1837. 

Andrew  Jackson,  the  seventh  President  olF  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1829. 

President  Jackson  was  in  many  respects  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  day.  He  pos 
sessed  a  combination  of  qualities  seldom  met  with 
in  any  one  person.  Education  had  done  but  little 
ibr  him ;  but  by  nature  he  was  fitted  for  the  gov- 
ernment  of  men  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  Cabi- 
net. During  the  Administration  of  the  elder 
Adams  he  had  occupied  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate  from  Tennessee,  and  gave  a  most  cordial 
support  to  the  principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Resign- 
ing his  place  in  that  body,  he  was  afterwards 
elected  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
his  State.  His  military  achievements  in  the  wars 
against  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indians,  and  his 
victory  over  the  British  at  New  Orleans,  have  been 
frlly  recorded. 

The  election  of  G enteral  Jackson  to  the   Presl 


ANDREW  JACKSON, 


132 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OTTR    PRESIDENTS,        133 

dency  was  regarded  with  some  anxiety,  for  though 
his  merits  as  a  soldier  were  conceded,  it  was  feared 
by  many  that  his  knov/n  imperiousness  of  will  and 
his  inflexibility  of  purpose  would  seriously  dis- 
qualify him  for  the  delicate  duties  of  the  Presi- 
dency. Nature  had  made  him  a  ruler,  however^ 
and  his  administration  was  marked  by  the  fearless 
energy  that  characterized  every  act  of  his  life,  and 
was  on  the  whole  successful  and  satisfactory  to 
the  great  majority  of  his  countrymen. 

General  Jackson  began  his  administration  by 
appointing  a  new  cabinet,  at  the  head  of  which  he 
placed  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State.  Until  now  the  postmaster-general 
had  not  been  regarded  as  a  cabinet  officer.  General 
Jackson  invited  that  officer  to  a  seat  in  his  cabinet 
and  a  share  in  its  deliberations,  and  his  course  has 
been  pursued  by  all  of  his  successors. 

Early  in  1831,  the  question  of  the  Presidential 
succession  was  agitated.  The  Legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania put  General  Jackson  in  nomination  for 
re-election,  he  having  consented  to  be  a  candidate. 

The  election  took  place  in  the  fall  of  1832. 
General  Jackson  was  supported  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Mr.  Clay  by  the 
Whig  party.  The  contest  was  marked  by  intense 
bitternesrv,  for  Jackson's  veto  of  the  charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  his  other  vetoes  of 
public  improvement  bills,  and  his  attitude  in  the 
**  Nullification '■  controversy  between   the   United 


134    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

States  and  South  Carolina,  had  created  a  strong 
opposition  to  him  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  In 
spite  of  this  opposition  he  was  re-elected  by  a  tri- 
umphant majority,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of 
New  York,  the  Democratic  nominee,  was  chosen 
Vice-President. 

The  following  electoral  votes  were  cast  for  the 
respective  candidates  :  for  Jackson,  219  ;  for  Clay, 
49 ;  and  for  Wirt,  the  Anti-Masonic  candidate,  7 
votes.  For  Vice-President,  the  electoral  votes 
stood :  for  Martin  Van  Buren,  189 ;  for  John 
Sergeant,  49;  for  Amos  Ellmaker,  7.  The  vote 
by  States  for  the  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
stood:  16  for  Jackson;  6  for  Clay;  and  1  for 
Wirt.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Jackson  were; 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  and  Missouri ;  the  6  States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were :  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and 
Kentucky ;  the  State  that  voted  for  Mr.  Wirt  was: 
Vermont;  South  Carolina  cast  her  vote  for  John 
Floyd,  of  Virginia,  for  President,  and  Henry  Lee^ 
of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 

President    Jackson    was    inaugurated   for    hi» 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1833. 

In  the  meantime  serious  trouble  had  arisen  be* 
tween  the  general  government  and  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.     During  the  year  1832  the  tariff 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         135 

was  revised  by  Congress,  and  that  body,  instead  of 
diminishing  the  duties,  increased  many  of  them. 
This  action  gave  great  offence  to  the  Southern 
States,  which  regarded  the  denial  of  free  trade  as 
a  great  wrong  to  them.  They  were  willing  to  sub- 
mit to  a  tariff  sufficient  for  a  revenue,  but  were 
utterly  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff  for  the  reasons 
We  have  already  stated. 

The  State  of  South  Carolina  resolved  to  "  nul- 
lify *'  the  law  within  its  own  limits.  A  convention 
of  the  people  of  the  State  was  held,  which  adopted 
a  measure  known  as  the  "  Nullification  Ordinance." 
Thi«  ordinance  declared  that  the  tariff  act  of  1832, 
being  based  upon  the  principle  of  protection,  and 
not  upon  the  principle  of  raising  revenue,  was  un- 
constitutional, and  was  therefore  null  and  void. 
This  ordinance  was  to  take  effect  on  the  12th  of 
February,  1833,  unless  in  the  meantime  the  general 
government  should  abandon  its  policy  of  protection 
and  return  to  a  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

The  country  at  large  was  utterly  opposed  to  the 
course  of  South  Carolina,  and  denied  its  right  to 
nullify  a  law  of  Congress,  or  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union  in  support  of  this  right.  Intense  excitement 
prevailed,  and  the  course  of  the  President  was 
watched  with  the  gravest  anxiety.  He  was 
known  to  be  opposed  to  the  protective  policy ;  but 
it  was  generally  believed  that  he  was  firm  in  his 
intention  to  enforce  the  laws,  however  he  might 
disapprove  of  them. 


136    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

President  Jackson  took  measures  promptly  to 
enforce  the  law.  He  ordered  a  large  body  of  troops 
to  assemble  at  Charleston,  under  General  Scott, 
and  a  ship  of  war  was  sent  to  that  port  to  assist 
the  federal  officers  in  collecting  the  duties  on  im- 
ports. Civil  war  seemed  for  a  time  inevitable. 
The  President  was  firmly  resolved  to  compel  the 
submission  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  issue  of  such 
a  conflict  could  not  be  doubtful. 

Fortunately  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  trouble 
was  effected,  Mr.  Verplanck,  of  New  York,  a  sup- 
porter of  the  administration,  introduced  a  bill  into 
Congress  for  a  reduction  of  the  tariff,  and  the  State 
of  Virginia  sent  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  a  dis- 
tinguished citizen,  as  commissioner  to  South  Caro- 
lina, to  urge  her  to  suspend  the  execution  of  her 
ordinance  until  March  4th,  as  there  was  a  proba- 
bility that  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  difficulty 
would  be  arranged  before  that  time.  South  Caro- 
lina consented  to  be  guided  by  this  appeal. 

Henry  Clay,  with  his  usual  patriotic  self-sacrifice, 
now  cMne  forward  in  the  Senate  with  a  compromise 
which  he  hoped  would  put  an  end  to  the  trouble. 
He  introduced  a  bill  providing  for  the  gradual  re* 
duction  in  ten  years  of  all  duties  then  above  the 
revenue  standard.  "  One-tenth  of  one-half  of  all  the 
duties  for  protection  above  that  standard  was  to  be 
taken  off  annually  for  ten  years,  at  the  end  of 
which  period  the  whole  of  the  other  half  was  to  be 
taken   off,    and   thereafter  all  duties  were  to  b« 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    137 

levied  mainly  with  a  view  to  revenue  and  not  for 
protection."  This  measure  with  some  modifica- 
tions was  adopted  by  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  2d  of 
March,  1833.  The  people  of  South  Carolina 
rescinded  their  "  Nullification  Ordinance,"  and  the 
trouble  was  fortunately  brought  to  an  end. 

The  Administration  of  Gen.  Jackson  was  distin- 
guished for  many  acts  of  foreign  as  well  as  domes- 
tic policy  which  cannot  be  embraced  in  this  brief 
sketch.  Taken  all  together,  it  made  a  deep  and 
lasting  impression  upon  the  policy  and  history  of 
the  States.  On  his  retirement,  following  the  ex- 
ample of  Washington,  he  issued  a  Farewell  Address^ 
in  which  he  evinced  the  most  ardent  patriotism  and 
the  most  earnest  devotion  to  the  cause  of  constitu- 
tional liberty. 

The  presidential  election  was  held  in  the  fall  of 
1836.  General  Jackson  having  declined  to  be  a 
candidate  for  a  third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
supported  Martin  Van  Buren  for  President,  and 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected;  but  the 
electors  having  failed  to  make  a  choice  of  a  candi- 
date for  Vice-President,  that  task  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  which  elected  Colonel  Richard  M 
Johnson  by  a  majority  of  seventeen  votes. 

The  electoral  votes  cast  for  the  several  can- 
didates for  President  were  as  follows:  170  for 
Martin  Van  Buren,  14  for  Daniel  Webster,  73  for 


138    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  11  for  W.  P.  M»,ii|,.*in, 

of  N.  C,  and  26  for  H.  L.  White,  of  Tennessee. 
Mr.  Yan  Buren,  having  received  a  majority,  was 
duly  declared  President  for  the  next  term.  The 
vote  by  States  in  this  election  was :  15  for  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  7  for  General  Harrison,  2  for  Mr. 
White,  and  1  for  Mr.  Webster.  The  15  States 
that  voted  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  were :  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas, 
and  Michigan ;  the  7  that  voted  for  General  Har* 
rison  were :  Vermont,  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  and  Indiana;  the  2 
that  voted  for  Mr.  White  were  :  Georgia  and  Ten- 
nessee; the  one  St^ie  that  voted  for  Mr.  Webi.er 
was  Massachusetts 

The  votes  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  for  Vice 
President  were :  147  for  Kichard  M.  Johnson,  ot 
Kentucky  ;  77  for  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York', 
47  for  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia ;  and  23  for  Wil- 
liam Smith,  of  Alabama.  Neither  of  the  candi- 
dates for  Vice-President  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  votes,  the  choice  of  that  officer  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  and  that  body  elected  Col.  Johnson  by 
a  vote  of  33,  against  16  for  Mr.  Granger. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  VAN  BUREN. 
4th  of  March,  1837— 4th  of  March,  1841. 
Martin  Van  Buren,  the  eighth  President  of  the 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    139 

Cnited  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1837,  in  the  55th  year  of  his  age.  "At  high 
noon  the  President  elect  took  his  seat,  with  his 
venerable  predecessor,  General  Jackson,  in  a  car- 
riage, made  from  the  wood  of  the  frigate  Con- 
stitutio7i,  presented  to  General  Jackson  by  the 
Democracy  of  the  city  of  New  York.  In  this  from 
the  White  House  they  proceeded  to  the  Capitol. 
After  reaching  the  Senate  Chamber  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
attended  by  the  ex-President,  and  the  members  of 
the  Senate,  led  the  way  to  the  rostrum,  where  the 
Inaugural  Address  was  delivered  in  clear  and  im- 
pressive tones.  At  the  close  of  the  Address  the 
oath  of  ofiice  was  administered  by  Chief-Justice 
Taney.'* 

In  the  Address  Mr.  Yan  Buren  indicated  his 
purpose,  on  all  matters  of  public  policy,  to  follow 
in  the  '^  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  predecessor." 

A  distinguished  writer,  in  speaking  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  Administration,  as  a  whole,  says : 

'^  The  great  event  of  General  Jackson's  Admin- 
istration was  the  contest  with  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  its  destruction  as  a  Federal 
institution — that  of  Madison's  was  the  war— while 
Jefferson's  was  a  general  revolution  of  the  anti- 
Democratic  spirit  and  policy  of  the  preceding 
Administration.  The  great  event  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  Administration,  by  which  it  will  hereafter 
be  known  and  designated,  is,  the  divorce  of  Bank 
and  State  in  the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  Federal  Gov- 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.   I4f 

eminent,  and  the  return,  after  half  a  century  of 
deviation,  to  the  original  design  of  the  Coristitu- 
tion." 

In  the  fall  of  1840  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  Mr.  Yaii  Buren  and  Vice-President 
Johnson  were  nominated  for  re-election  by  the 
Democratic  party,  and  the  Whigs  supported  Gen- 
eral William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  for  Presii 
dent,  and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  financial  distress  of  the  country  which 
had  been  very  great  since  1837,  was  generally 
attributed  by  the  people  to  the  interference  of  the 
government  with  the  currency.  This  feeling  made 
the  Democratic  nominees  exceedingly  unpopular^ 
and  the  political  campaign  was  one  of  the  most 
exciting  ever  conducted  in  this  country. 

The  principal  issues  in  this  contest  were  the 
sub-treasury  system,  extravagant  appropriations, 
defalcations,  and  profligacy  of  numerous  subordi- 
nate officers.  The  "  gold  spoons "  furnished  the 
Executive  Mansion  figured  prominently  in  the 
canvass.  All  the  opposing  elements  united  under 
the  Whig  banner.  This  party  held  a  general  con- 
vention at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  4th 
of  December,  1839,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President.  It 
was  generally  supposed  that  Mr.  Clay  would  re- 
ceive the  nomination  of  this  body  for  President. 
But  his  course  on  the  Tarifl'  Compromise  of  1833 
had  greatly  weakened  him  with  the  Protectionist* 


142    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

When  he  adopted  that  course  he  was  told  it  would 
lose  him  the  Presidency.  His  reply  at  the  time 
was,  "  I  would  rather  be  right  than  be  President." 
The  Democratic  party  held  their  general  conven= 
don  in  Baltimore  on  the  5th  of  May,  1840.  Log- 
cabins  and  hard  cider,  which  were  supposed  to  be 
typical  of  Harrison's  frontier  life,  became  very 
popular  with  the  Whigs.  The  result  of  the  elec- 
tion, after  a  heated  canvass,  was  234  electoral 
votes  for  Harrison  for  President,  and  234  for  John 
Tyler  for  Yice-President.  Mr.  Van  Buren  re- 
ceived 60  electoral  votes  for  President;  Richard 
M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  received  48  for  Yice- 
President;  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  11, 
and  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  1.  The  vote 
for  President  by  States  stood  19  for  General  Har- 
rison and  7  for  Mr.  Van  Buren.  The  seven  States 
that  voted  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  were  :  New  Hamp- 
shire, Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Illinois,  Alabama, 
Missouri,  and  Arkansas. 

ADMINISTRATIONS   OF    HARRISON    AND 
TYLER. 

4th  of  March,  1841— 4th  of  March,  1845. 

WilHam  Henry  Harrison,  the  ninth  President 
of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1841,  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
The  city  of  Washington  was  thronged  with  people, 
many  of  whom  were  from  the  most  distant  States 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 


143 


of  the  Union.  A  procession  was  formed  from  his 
hotel  quarters  to  the  capitol.  The  President-elect 
was  mounted  upon  a  white  charger,  accompanied 
by  several  personal  friends,  but  his  immediate  escort 
were  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  fought  under 
him.     The  inaugural  address  was  delivered  on  a 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 


platform  erected  over  the  front  steps  of  the  portico 
of  the  east  front  of  the  capitol.  The  oath  of  office 
was  administered  by  Chief-Justice  Taney,  before 
an  audience  estimated  at  60,000  people. 

He  was  a  man  of  pure  life  and  earnest  character, 
and  the  certainty  of  a  change  of  policy  in  the 
measures  of  the  federal  government  had   caused 


144    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

the  people  of  tlie  country  to  look  forward  to  his 
administration  with  hope  and  confidence.  He 
began  by  calling  to  seats  in  his  cabinet  men  of 
prominence  and  ability.  At  the  head  of  the  cab- 
inet he  placed  Daniel  Webster  as  Secretary  of 
State.  The  President  was  not  destined  to  fulfil 
the  hopes  of  his  friends.  He  was  suddenly  at- 
tacked with  pneumonia,  and  died  on  the  4th  of 
April — just  one  month  after  his  inauguration. 

It  was  the  first  time  that  a  President  of  the 
United  States  had  died  in  office,  and  a  gloom  was 
cast  over  the  nation  by  the  sad  event.  The  mourn- 
ing of  the  people  was  sincere,  for  in  General  Har- 
rison the  nation  lost  a  faithful,  upright,  and  able 
leader.  He  had  spent  forty  years  in  prominent 
public  positions,  and  had  discharged  every  duty 
confided  to  him  with  ability  and  integrity,  and 
went  to  his  grave  a  poor  man. 

The  office  of  President  now,  for  the  first  time,  de- 
volved upon  the  Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  who, 
by  the  death  of  General  Harrison,  became  the  tenth 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  not  in  the 
City  of  Washington  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  his 
predecessor,  but  repaired  to  that  city  without  loss 
of  time,  upon  being  notified  of  the  death  of  General 
Harrison,  and  on  the  6th  of  April  took  the  oath  of 
office  before  Judge  Cranch,  Cfhief-Justice  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  Mr.  Tyler  was  in  his  fifty-second 
year,  and  had  served  as  governor  of  Virginia,  and 
as   representative  and  senator   in    Congress  from 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


145 


ttiat  State.  On  the  9th  of  April  President  Tyler 
issued  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  there  was  no  indication  of  a  departure 
from  the  policy  announced  in  the  inaugural  of  Gen- 
eral Harrison.  He  retained  the  cabinet  ministers  of 
his  predecessors  in  their  respective  positions. 

The   last   years   of  Mr.    Tyler's  administration 
were  devoted  to  the  effort  to  secure  the  annexation 


of  the  republic  of  Texas  to  the  United  States.  The 
territory  embraced  within  the  limits  of  Texas  con- 
stituted a  part  of  the  Spanish- American  possessions, 
and  was  generally  regarded  as  a  part  of  Mexico. 

In  April,  1844,  Texas  formally  applied  for  ad- 
mission into  the  United  States,  and  a  treaty  for 
that  purpose  was  negotiated  with  her  by  the  gov- 


146    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

eriiment  of  this  country.     It  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate. 

In  the  fall  of  1844  the  presidential  election  took 
place.  The  leading  political  question  of  the  day 
was  the  annexation  of  Texas.  It  was  advocated 
by  the  administration  of  President  Tyler  and  by 
the  Democratic  party.  This  party  also  made  the 
claim  of  the  United  States  to  Oregon  one  of  the 
leading  issues  of  the  campaign.  Its  candidates 
were  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  and  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Whig  party  sup- 
ported Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  Theodore 
Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  and  opposed  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

During  this  campaign,  which  was  one  of  unusual 
excitement,  the  Anti-slavery  party  made  its  appear- 
ance for  the  first  time  as  a  distinct  political  organ- 
ization, and  nominated  James  G.  Birney  as  its 
candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  was  a  decisive  vic- 
tory for  the  Democrats.  This  success  was  gen- 
erally regarded  as  an  emphatic  expression  of  the  pop- 
ular will  respecting  the  Texas  and  Oregon  questions. 

The  result  of  the  election  by  the  colleges  was : 
170  electoral  votes  for  James  K.  Polk,  for  Presi-. 
dent,  and  170  for  George  M.  Dallas,  for  Yice-Presi^ 
dent ;  105  for  Henry  Clay,  for  President,  and  105 
for  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  for  Vice-President, 
By  States  the  vote  stood :  15  for  the  Democratic 
ticket,  and  11  for   the  Whig  ticket.     Mr.  Birney 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    14; 

received  no  electoral  vote ;  but  local  returns 
showed  that,  out  of  the  popular  vote  of  upwards 
of  two  and  a  half  millions,  there  were  polled  for 
him  only  64,653.  The  fifteen  States  that  voted 
for  Mr.  Polk  were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Michigan;  the 
eleven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were :  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  and  Ohio. 

After  the  expiration  of  bis  term  of  office,  Mr. 
Tyler  retired  from  the  seat  of  Government  to  his 
residence  in  Virginia.  His  administration  was  a 
stormy  one,  but  signalized  by  many  important 
events.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the  electro- 
telegraphic  system  was  established  by  Morse.  A 
room  was  furnished  him  at  the  Capitol  for  his  ex- 
perimental operations  in  extending  his  wires  to 
Baltimore;  and  among  the  first  messages  ever 
transmitted  over  them  was  the  announcement  of 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  for  the  Presidency. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

4th  of  March,  1845~4th  of  March,  1849. 

James  K.  Polk,  the  eleventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  ith  of 
March,  1845,  in  the  60th  year  of  his  age.  The 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- Justice 


148 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


Taney,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  assemblage  of 
citizens.  In  his  inaugural,  the  new  President 
spoke  favorably  of  the  late  action  of  Congress  in 
relation  to  Texas,  and  asserted  that  the  title  of  the 
United  States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear 
and  indisputable,  and  intimated  his  intention  to 
'oiaintain  it  by  force  if  necessary. 


JAMES  K.  POLK. 


The  new  cabinet  consisted  of  James  Buchanan^ 
of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  State;  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ; 
William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of 
War;  George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy;  Cave  Johnson^  of  Tennessee, 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  14^ 

Postmaster-General;  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Attorney-GeneraL 

President  Polk  had  served  the  country  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  for  fourteen 
years  had  been  a  member  of  Congress  from  that 
State,  and  had  been  chosen  speaker  of  that  body. 
Two  important  questions  presented  themselves  to 
the  new  administration  for  settlement :  the  troubles 
with  Mexico  growing  out  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  tvnd  the  arrangement  of  the  northwestern 
IjOLUidary  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1844  the 
Democratic  party  adopted  as  its  watchword,  "  all 
of  Oregon  or  none,"  and  the  excitement  upon  the 
question  ran  high.  The  election  of  Mr.  Polk 
showed  that  the  American  people  were  resolved  to 
insist  upon  their  claim  to  Oregon,  and  when  the 
new  President  in  his  inaugural .  address  took  the 
bold  ground  that  the  American  title  to  "  Oregon 
territory "  ''  was  clear  and  indisputable,"  and  de- 
clared his  intention  to  maintain  it  at  the  cost  of 
war  with  England,  the  matter  assumed  a  serious 
aspect,  and  for  a  while  it  seemed  that  party  pas- 
sion would  involve  the  two  countries  in  hostilities. 
President  Polk,  upon  a  calmer  consideration  of  the 
subject,  caused  the  secretary  of  state  to  reopen  the 
negotiations  by  proposing  to  Great  Britain  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude  as  a  boundary,  and 
that  was  finally  agreed  upon. 

During  the  fall  of   1848   another  Presidential 


150         FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

election  came  off.  The  combined  elements  of 
opposition  to  the  administration,  in  the  main, 
continued  to  bear  the  name  of  Whigs,  though  the 
anti-slaverj  element  now  formed  a  distinct  organi- 
zation known  as  "  Free-Soilers."  The  Democratic 
party  held  their  General  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
on  the  22d  of  May,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  General  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  General  William  0.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky.  The  Whigs  held  their  Convention 
at  Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  put  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  General  Zachary 
Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  and  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York.  The  Free-Soileif 
held  their  Convention  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  on  thi, 
8th  of  August,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  163  electoral 
votes  for  the  Whig  ticket  and  127  for  the  Demo- 
cratic. The  Free-Soil  ticket  received  no  electoral 
vote ;  but  local  returns  showed  that  out  of  a  popu- 
lar vote  of  nearly  3,000,000,  there  were  polled  for 
it  nearly  300,000  votes.  The  vote  for  Taylor  and 
Fillmore  by  States  stood  15;  and  for  Cass  and 
Butler  15  also.  The  15  States  that  voted  for 
Taylor  and  Fillmore  were  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    151 

Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
and  Florida ;  the  15  that  voted  for  Cass  and  Butler 
were  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Ala- 
bama, Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan,  Texas,  Iowa, 
and  Wisconsin.  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  having 
received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  were 
declared  elected  to  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1849,  Mr.  Polk  retired  to 
his  home  in  Tennessee.  His  administration  had 
ieen  a  stormy  one.  It  will,  however,  always  be 
distinguished  in  history  by  its  eminently  wise 
financial  and  revenue  policy,  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question  with  England,  and  the  immense 
acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico.  During  its 
period  also,  great  lustre  was  added  to  the  military 
renown  of  the  United  States. 

ADMINISTRATIONS  OF 
TAYLOR    AND     FILLMORE. 

4th  of  March,  1849— 4th  of  March,  1853 
The  4th  of  March,  1849,  coming  on  Sunday 
General  Taylor  was  duly  inaugurated  as  the 
twelfth  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  next 
day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that  month,  in  the  65th 
year  of  his  age.  The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief-Justice  Taney,  in  the  presence  of  an 
in\mense  concourse  of  people. 

The  new  President  was  a  native  of  Virginia, 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 


152 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  153 

but  had  removed  with  his  parents  to  Kentucky  at 
an  early  age,  and  had  grown  up  to  manhood  on  the 
frontiers  of  that  State.  In  1808,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  commissioned  a  lieutenant  in 
the  army  by  President  Jefferson,  and  had  spent 
forty  years  in  the  military  service  of  the  country. 
His  exploits  in  the  Florida  war  and  brilliant  vic- 
tories in  Mexico  had  made  him  the  most  popular 
man  in  the  United  States,  and  had  won  him  the 
high  office  of  the  Presidency  at  the  hands  of  his 
grateful  fellow-citizens.  He  was  without  political 
experience,  but  he  was  a  man  of  pure  and  stain- 
less integrity,  of  great  firmness,  a  sincere  patriot, 
and  possessed  of  strong  good  sense.  He  had  re- 
ceived a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  and  was  free  fi:"om 
party  or  sectional  ties  of  any  kind.  His  inaugural 
address  was  brief,  and  was  confined  to  a  statement 
of  general  principles.  His  cabinet  was  composed 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  with  John  M. 
Clayton,  of  Delaware,  as  Secretary  of  State.  The 
last  Congress  had  created  a  new  executive  depart- 
ment— that  of  the  interior — to  relieve  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  of  a  part  of  his  duties,  and 
President  Taylor  was  called  upon  to  appoint  the 
first  secretary  of  the  interior,  which  he  did  in  the 
person  of  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio.  The  new  de- 
partment was  charged  with  the  management  of  the 
public  lands,  the  Indian  tribes,  and  the  issuing  of 
patents  to  inventors. 


154    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Since  the  announcement  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso^ 
the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  had  been  in- 
cessant, and  had  increased  instead  of  diminishing 
with  each  succeeding  year.  It  was  one  of  the  chief 
topics  of  discussion  in  the  newspaper  press  of  the 
country,  and  entered  largely  into  every  political 
controversy,  however  local  or  insignificant  in  its 
nature.  The  opponents  of  slavery  regarded  the 
annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  war  as 
efforts  to  extend  that  institution,  and  were  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  its  existence  at  any  cost.  The 
advocates  of  slavery  claimed  that  the  Southern 
States  iiad  an  equal  right  to  the  common  property 
of  the  States,  and  were  entitled  to  protection  for 
their  slaves  in  any  of  the  Territories  then  owned 
by  the  States  or  that  might  afterwards  be  acquired 
by  tiiem.  The  Missouri  Compromise  forbade  the 
existence  uf  slavery  north  of  the  line  of  36®  30' 
north  latitude,  and  left  the  inhabitants  south  of 
that  line  free  to  decide  upon  their  own  institutions. 
The  Anti-slavery  party  was  resolved  that  slavery 
should  be  excluded  from  the  territory  acquired 
from  Mexico,  and  in  the  Wilmot  Proviso  struck 
their  first  blow  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  pur- 
pose. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  House  President 
Taylor  sent  in  his  first  and  only  message.  He  re- 
cognized the  danger  with  which  the  sectional  con- 
troversy threatened  the  country,  expressed  his 
views  of  the  situation  in  moderate  terms,  and  inti- 


BnZOLARD  FILLMORE. 


15-5 


156    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

mated  that  he  should  faithfully  discharge  tjis 
duties  to  the  whole  country. 

About  the  last  of  June,  1850,  President  Taylor 
was  stricken  down  with  a  fever,  which  soon  ter- 
minated fatally.  He  died  on  the  9th  of  July  amid 
the  grief  of  the  whole  country,  which  felt  that  it 
had  lost  a  faithful  and  upright  chief  magistrate. 
Though  the  successful  candidate  of  one  political 
party,  his  administration  had  received  the  earnest 
support  of  the  best  men  of  the  country  without 
regard  to  party,  and  his  death  was  a  national 
calamity.  He  had  held  office  only  sixteen  months, 
but  had  shown  himself  equal  to  his  difficult  and 
delicate  position. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  the  office  of 
President  devolved  upon  Millard  Fillmore,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  10th  of 
July  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  at  once  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  new  position. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  a  native  of  New  York,  an^ 
was  born  in  that  State  in  the  year  1800.  He  had 
served  his  State  in  Congress,  and  as  governor,  and 
was  personally  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Presidents.  The  cabinet  of  General  Taylor  re< 
signed  their  offices  immediately  after  his  death, 
and  the  new  President  filled  their  places  by  ap- 
pointing a  new  cabinet  with  Daniel  Webster  at  ita 
head  as  Secretary  of  State. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1851,  the  corner-stone  of 
&e  two  new  wings  of  the  capitol  was  laid.     Mr. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESlL»i:.NTS.    lo7 

Webster  delivered  a  speech  on  the  occasion  which 
was  considered  one  of  the  greatest  of  his  hfe.  It 
was  deUvered  to  an  immense  audience,  on  a  plat- 
form erected  on  the  east  side  of  the  capitol.  In  it, 
among  other  things,  he  said : 

"If  it  shall  hereafter  be  the  will  of  God  \hat 
this  structure  shall  fall  from  its  base — that  its 
foundations  shall  be  upturned,  and  the  deposit  be- 
neath this  stone  be  brought  to  the  eyes  of  men — 
be  it  then  known  that  on  this  day  the  Union  of  tL^ 
United  States  of  America  stands  firm,  that  this 
Constitution  still  exists  unimpaired,  and,  with  all 
its  usefulness  and  glory,  is  growing  every  day 
stronger  in  the  affections  of  the  great  body  of  the 
American  people,  and  attracting  more  and  more 
the  admiration  of  the  world." 

During   the   fall  of  this  year    (1852)    anothef 
Presidential  election  took  place. 

The  Democratic  party  nominated  Franklin 
Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  President,  and  Wil- 
liam R.  King,  of  Alabama,  for  Vice-President. 
The  Whig  party  nominated  General  Winfield  Scott 
for  President,  and  WilliarTj  A.  Graham,  of  North 
Carolina,  for  Vice-President.  The  Anti-slavery 
party  put  in  nomination  John  P.  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  George  W.  JuHan,  of  Indiana. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  the  candi- 
dates of  the  Democratic  party  by  an  overwhe]  ming 
majority. 

Mr.  King,  the  Vice-President  elect,  did  not  long 


158    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

survive  his  triumph.  His  health  had  beeii  deli- 
uate  for  many  years,  and  he  was  obliged  to  pass  the 
winter  succeeding  the  election  in  Cuba.  Being 
unable  to  return  home,  he  took  the  oath  of  office 
before  the  American  consul,  at  Havana,  on  the  4th 
of  March.  He  then  returned  to  the  United  States, 
and  died  at  his  home  in  Alabama  on  the  18th  of 
April,  1853. 

The  result  of  the  election  was :  251  electoral 
Votes  for  Pierce  and  King ;  and  42  for  Scott  and 
Graham ;  by  States,  27  for  Pierce  and  King,  and 
4  for  Scott  and  Graham.  The  States  w^hich  voted 
for  General  Scott  were  :  Massachusetts,  Vermont, 
Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  The  anti-slavery  ticket 
received  no  electoral  vote,  but  out  of  the  popular 
vote  of  nearly^  3,500,000,  it  polled  155,825  indi- 
vidual votes,  being  little  over  half  of  what  it  polled 
at  the  previous  election. 

In  October,  1852,' the  whole  country  was  again 
thrown  into  mourning  by  the  announcement  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Webster,  the  last  survivor  of  the  great 
senatorial  "trio,"  Clay,  Calhoun  and  Webster. 

They  were  regarded  as  the  fliree  greatest  states- 
men of  the  country  in  their  day.  They  were  all 
men  of  very  great  ability,  of  very  different  charac- 
ters of  mind,  as  well  as  styles  of  oratory.  They 
differed  also  widely  on  many  questions  of  public 
])olicy.  But  they  were  all  true  patriots  in  the 
highest  sense  of  that  term. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


159 


ADMINISTRATION   OF   PIERCE. 

4th  of  March,  1853— 4th  of  March,  1857. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  Franklin  Pierce,  of 
New  Hampshire,  the  fourteenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  duly  inaugurated  in  th«  49th 


FEANKLIN   PIERCE. 


year  of  his  age.     The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief-Justice  Taney. 

General  Pierce  was  an  accomplished  orator,  and 
his  inaugural  address  was  delivered  in  his  happiest 
style,  in  a  tone  of  voice  that  was  distinctly  heard 
at  a  great  distance.  It  was  responded  to  by  shouts 
from  the  surrounding  multitudes. 


IGO    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  most  important  measure  of  Mr.  Pierce's  ad- 
ministration was  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  The  region  embraced 
in  these  Territories  formed  a  23art  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  and  extended  from  the  borders  of  Mis- 
souri, Iowa,  and  Minnesota  to  the  summit  of  the 
Eocky  mountains,  and  from  the  parallel  of  36°  30' 
north  latitude  to  the  border  of  British  America. 
This  whole  region  by  the  terms  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  had  been  secured  to  free  labor  by  the 
exclusion  of  slavery. 

The  people  engaged  warmly  in  the  discussion 
aroused  by  the  reopening  of  the  question  of  slavery. 
in  the  Territories.  The  North  resented  the  rep(^al  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in  the  South  a  large 
and  respectable  party  sincerely  regretted  the  repeal 
of  that  settlement.  By  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  the  Thirty-third  Congress  assumed 
a  grave  responsibility,  and  opened  the  door  to  a 
bloody  and  bitter  conflict  in  the  Territories  between 
slavery  and  free  labor.  The  troubles  in  Kansas 
which  followed  gave  rise  to  a  new  party  which 
called  itself  Republican,  and  which  was  based 
upon  an  avowed  hostility  to  the  extension  of 
slavery.  A  third  party,  called  the  American,  or 
Know  Nothing,  also  took  part  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1856,  and  was  based  upon  the  doctrine 
that  the  political  offices  of  the  country  should  be 
held  only  by  persons  of  American  birth.  The 
Democratic  party  nominated  James  Buchanan,  of 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    l6l 

Pennsylvania,  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
The  Kepublican  nominee  for  the  Presidency  was 
John  C.  Fremont,  of  California;  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  William  L.  Daj^ton,  of  New  Jersey. 
The  American  or  Know  Nothing  party  supported 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  The  Whig  party  had  been 
broken  to  pieces  by  its  defeat  in  1852,  and  had 
now  entirely  disappeared. 

The  canvass  was  unusually  excited.  Slavery 
was  the  principal  question  in  dispute.  Part}^  ties 
had  little  influence  upon  men.  The  sentiment  of 
the  nation  at  large  had  been  outraged  by  the  re- 
peal of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  thousands 
of  Democrats,  desiring  to  rebuke  their  party  for  its 
course  in  bringing  about  this  repeal,  united  with 
the  Republican  party,  which  declared  as  its  lead- 
ing principle  that  it  was  "  both  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and 
slavery." 

The  elections  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  James 
Buchanan,  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party. 
Mr.  Buchanan  received  174  electoral  votes;  Gen- 
eral Fremont  114,  and  Fillmore  8.  The  vote  by 
States  was :  19  for  the  Democratic  ticket;  11  for 
the  Eepublican,  and  1  for  the  American.  The 
oineteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan  were; 
I. 


162    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Texas,  and  California.  The  eleven  that  voted  for 
Fremont  were  :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  York,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin. 
The  one  that  voted  for  Fillmore  was  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

March  4th,  1857— March  4th,  1861. 

James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  fifteenth 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  in  the  66th  year  of 
his  age,  and  was  a  statesman  of  ripe  experience. 
The  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- 
Justice  Taney.  His  inaugural  was  conciliatory, 
and  approbatory  of  the  principles  of  the  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  bill  upon  which  he  had  been  elected. 
He  was  born  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1791,  and  was 
by  profession  a  lawyer.  He  had  served  his  State 
in  Congress  as  a  representative  and  a  senator,  had 
been  minister  to  Russia  under  President  Jackson, 
and  had  been  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  of  Presi- 
dent Polk,  as  Secretary  of  State.  During  the  four 
years  previous  to  his  election  to  the  Presidency, 
he  had  resided  abroad  as  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  Great  Britain,  and  ink  that  capao* 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


163 


164    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

ity  had  greatly  added  to  his  reputation  as  a  states- 
man. The  intense  sectional  feeling  which  the  dis- 
cussion  of  the  slavery  question  had  aroused  had 
alarmed  patriotic  men  in  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
and  it  was  earnestly  hoped  that  Mr.  Buchanan's 
administration  would  be  able  to  effect  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  the  quarrel.  Mr.  Buchanan  selected 
his  Cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the  Democratic 
party.  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State ;  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury ;  John  B.  Floyd,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Secretary  of  War ;  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connec- 
ticut, Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  Jacob  Thompson,  of 
Mississippi,  Secretary  of  Interior;  Aaron  V.  Brown, 
of  Tennessee,  Postmaster-General,  and  Jeremiah  S. 
Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  Attorney-General.  The 
two  leading  subjects  which  immediately  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  new  administration  were 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Utah  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Kansas  on  the  other. 

On  the  night  of  the  16th  of  October,  1859,  John 
Brown,  who  had  acquired  a  considerable  notoriety 
as  the  leader  of  a  Free  Soil  company  during  the 
war  in  Kansas,  entered  the  State  of  Virginia,  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  with  a  party  of  twenty-one  men, 
and  seized  the  United  States  arsenal  at  that  place. 
He  then  sent  out  parties  to  induce  the  negro  slaves 
to  join  him,  his  avowed  object  being  to  put  an  end 
to  slavery  in  Virginia  by  exciting  an  insurrection 
©f  the  slaves.     Several  citizens  were  kidnapped  by 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    165 

these  parties,  but  the  slaves  refused  to  join  Brown, 
or  to  take  any  part  in  the  insurrection. 

The  effect  of  Brown's  attempt  upon  the  South- 
ern people  was  most  unfortunate.  They  regarded 
it  as  unanswerable  evidence  of  the  intention  of  the 
people  of  the  North  to  make  war  upon  them  under 
the  cover  of  the  Union.  The  John  Brown  raid 
was  the  most  powerful  argument  that  had  ever 
been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  disunionists,  and 
in  the  alarm  and  excitement  produced  by  that 
event,  the  Southern  people  lost  sight  of  the  fact 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  Northern  people  sin- 
serely  deplored  and  condemned  the  action  of 
Brown  and  his  supporters. 

While  the  excitement  was  at  its  height  the 
Presidential  campaign  opened  in  the  spring  of 
1860.  The  slavery  question  was  the  chief  issue 
in  this  struggle.  The  Convention  of  the  Democra- 
tic party  met  at  Charleston,  in  April,  but  being 
unable  to  effect  an  organization,  adjourned  to  Bal- 
timore, and  reassembled  in  that  city  in  June.  The 
extreme  Southern  delegates  were  resolved  that  the 
convention  should  be  committed  to  the  protection 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories  by  Congress,  and  fail- 
ing to  control  it  withdrew  from  it  in  a  body,  and 
organized  a  separate  convention,  which  they  de- 
clared represented  the  Democratic  party,  but  which, 
in  reality,  as  the  vote  subsequently  proved,  repre- 
sented but  a  minority  of  that  party. 

The   original  convention,  after  the  withdrawaJ 


166    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  these  delegates,  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  and  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  Herschell  Y.  Johnson,  of  Georgia.  It 
then  proceeded  to  adopt  the  platform  put  forward 
by  the  entire  party  four  years  before,  at  Cincinnati, 
upon  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  this 
additional  declaration :  "  That  as  differences  of 
opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  party  as  to  the 
nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a  territorial 
legislature,  and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Con- 
gress under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
over  the  institution  of  slavery  within  the  Territo- 
ries, .  .  .  the  party  will  abide  by  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the 
questions  of  constitutional  law." 

The  "  Seceders'  Convention,"  as  it  was  commonly 
called,  also  adopted  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  non-interference  by  Congress 
with  slavery  in  the  Territories  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  This  party  held  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  Constitution  recognized  slavery  as  existing  in 
the  Territories,  and  sanctioned  and  protected  it 
there,  and  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  of 
the  Territories  could  frame  any  law  against 
slavery  until  the  admission  of  such  Territories 
into  the  Union  as  States.  The  "  Seceders'  Con- 
vention "  put  forward  as  its  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and 
for  the  Vice- Presidency  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

The  Republican  party  took  issue  with  both  wings 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    167 

of  the  Democratic  party.  Its  convention  was  held 
at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  its  candidates  were,  for 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  for 
Vice-President  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine.  The 
platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the  Republican 
Convention  declared  that  "  the  maintenance  of  the 
principles  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  embodied  in  the  federal  Constitution 
is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican 
institutions.  .  .  .  That  all  men  are  created  equal; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain inalienable  rights." 

A  fourth  party,  known  as  the  "  American  or 
Constitutional  Union  Party,"  proclaimed  as  its 
platform  the  following  vague  sentence  :  "  The  con- 
stitution of  the  country,  the  union  of  the  States, 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws."  The  convention 
*>f  this  party  met  at  Baltimore,  and  nominated  for 
he  Presidency  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachu- 
setts. 

The  contest  between  these  parties  was   bitter 
beyond  all  precedent,  and  resulted  as  follows : 

Popular  vote  for  Lincoln,  .         1,866,452 

"         "         Douglas,  .         1,375,157 

"         "         Breckinridge,  847,953 

"         "         Bell,       .         .  590,631 

The  electoral  vote  stood  as  follows:  For  Lincoln. 
180;  for  Breckinridge,  72;  for  Bell,  39;  foi 
Douglas-  12. 


158  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  thus  elected  by  a  plurality  of 
the  popular  vote,  which  secured  for  him  the  elec- 
toral votes  of  eighteen  States.  These  States  wer^ 
entirely  north  of  the  sectional  line,  and  he  received 
not  a  single  electoral  vote  from  a  Southern  State 
The  States  which  cast  their  electoral  Azotes  for 
Breckinridge,  Bell,  and  Douglas,  were  entirely 
slaveholding.  The  division  thus  made  was  alarm- 
ing. It  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
republic  that  a  President  had  been  elected  by  the* 
votes  of  a  single  section  of  the  Union. 

The  eighteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln^ 
under  the  plurality  count  of  the  popular  vote, 
were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota, 
and  Oregon.  The  eleven  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Breckinridge  were :  Delaware,  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  and  Texas. 
The  three  that  so  voted  for  Mr.  Bell  were :  Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  and  Tennessee ;  and  the  one  that 
§0  voted  for  Mr.  Douglas  was  Missouri.  Mr.  Lin* 
coin  did  not  receive  the  majority  of  the  popular 
vote  in  but  sixteen  of  the  thirty-three  States  then 
constituting  the  Union ;  so  he  had  been  constitu- 
tionally elected,  without  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  popular  vote  of  the  States  or  of  the  people. 


ACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.  169 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN. 

March  4th,  1861— April  15th,  1865. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  sixteenth  President  of 
ihe  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washingtoi3 
on  tlie  4th  of  March,  1861.  As  it  was  feared 
that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  prevent  the  in- 
auguration, the  city  was  held  by  a  strong  body  of 
regular  troops,  under  General  Scott,  and  the  Presi 
dent  elect  was  escorted  from  his  hotel  to  the  capitol 
by  a  military  force.  No  effort  was  made  to  inter- 
fere with  the  ceremonies,  and  the  inauguration 
passed  off  quietly. 

The  new  President  was  in  his  fifty-third  year. 
and  was  a  native  of  Kentucky.  When  he  was  but 
eight  years  old  his  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and 
the  boyhood  of  the  future  President  was  spent  in 
hard  labor  upon  the  farm.  Until  he  reached  man- 
hood he  continued  to  lead  this  life,  and  during  this 
entire  period  attended  school  for  only  a  year.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-one  he  i^emoved  to  Illinois^ 
where  he  began  life  as  a  storekeeper.  Being  anx 
ious  to  rise  above  his  humble  position,  he  deter 
mined  to  study  law.  He  was  too  poor  to  buy  the 
necessary  books,  and  so  borrowed  them  from  a 
neighboring  lawyer,  read  them  at  night,  and  re- 
turned them  in  the  morning.  His  genial  character, 
great  good  nature,  and  love  of  humor,  won  him 


170         FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OTTE     fflESIDENTS. 

the  friendship  of  the  people  amon^  whom  he  re- 
sided, and  they  elected  him  t^  the  l^wer  house  of 
the  legislature  of  Illinois.  He  now  abandoned  his 
mercantile  pursuits,  and  began  the  practice  of  the 
Uw,  and  was  subsequently  elected  a  represv^ntativ^ 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


to  Congress  from  the  Springfield  district.  He  took 
an  active  part  in  the  politics  of  his  State,  and  in 
1858  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  United  States  senator.  In  this  capacity  he  en- 
gaged in  a  series  of  debates  in  various  parts  of  the 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  FKESIDENTS.    171 

State  with  Senator  Douglas,  the  Democratic  can- 
didate  for  re-election  to  the  same  position.  This 
debate  was  remarkable  for  its  brilliancy  and  intel- 
lectual vigor,  and  brought  him  prominently  before 
the  whole  country,  and  opened  the  way  to  his 
nomination  for  the  Presidency.  In  person  he  was 
tall  and  ungainly,  and  in  manner  he  was  rough  and 
awkward,  little  versed  in  the  refinements  of  «o- 
ciety.  He  was  a  man,  however,  of  great  natural 
vigor  of  intellect,  and  was  possessed  of  a  fund  of 
strong  common  sense,  which  enabled  him  to  see  at 
a  glance  through  the  shams  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded, and  to  pursue  his  own  aims  with  single- 
ness of  heart  and  directness  of  purpose.  He  had 
.sprung  from  the  ranks  of  the  people,  and  he  was 
never  false  to  them.  He  was  a  simple,  unaffectedj 
kind-hearted  man ;  anxious  to  do  his  duty  to  the 
whole  country ;  domestic  in  his  tastes  and  habits ; 
and  incorruptible  in  every  relation  of  life.  He 
was  fond  of  humor,  and  overflowed  with  it;  find- 
ing in  his  "  little  stories  "  the  only  relaxation  he 
ever  sought  from  the  heavy  cares  of  the  trying 
position  upon  which  he  was  now  entering.  He 
selected  his  cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  phvced  William  H.  Seward, 
of  New  York,  as  Secretary  of  State ;  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Simon 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  War; 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy ;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of  the 


172    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Interior;  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  Post 
master-General;  and  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri, 
Attorney-General. 

The  Great  Civil  War  was  the  all-important 
event  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration. 

In  1864  the  next  Presidential  election  was  held. 
The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Bal- 
timore, June  7,  and  adopted  a  platform  declaring 
war  upon  slavery,  and  demanding  that  no  terms 
but  unconditional  surrender  should  be  given  to  the 
rebellious  States.  It  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee,  for  Vice-President. 

The  latter  was  a  United  States  Senator  when 
his  State  allied  itself  to  the  Confederacy.  He, 
however,  continued  to  hold  his  seat,  and  was  the 
only  Senator  from  any  of  the  States,  who  did  so 
after  the  withdrawal  of  their  States  from  the 
Federal  Union. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Chicago  Au- 
gust 29,  and  nominated  for  the  Presidency  General 
George  B.  McClellan,  of  the  Federal  army,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency,  George  H.  Pendleton,  of 
Ohio.  The  result  was  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  John- 
son carried  the  electoral  votes  of  every  State  ex^ 
cept  three,  to  wit :  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and 
Kentucky;  of  the  popular  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket  received  1,802,237,  against  2,213,665  cast 
for  Lincoln  and  Johnson. 

Abraham  Lincoln  having  been  duly  elected  was 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    173 

inaugurated  for  his  second  term  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1865.  On  the  night  of  April  14th,  Presi 
dent  Lincohi  was  assassinated  at  Ford's  Theatre 
in  Washington  City,  by  John  Wilkes  Booth. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

15th  of  April,  1865— 4th  of  March,  1869. 

Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Andrew  John- 
son, the  Vice-President,  by  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution, became  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  15th  of  \pril, 
and  at  once  entered  upon  the  discharge  /  his 
duties.  His  first  act  was  to  retain  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Johnson  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina, 
having  been  born  in  Raleigh,  on  the  29th  of  De- 
cember, 1808.  At  the  age  often  he  was  bound  aai 
an  apprentice  to  a  tailor  of  that  city.  He  was  at 
this  time  unable  to  read  or  write.  Some  years 
later,  being  determined  to  acquire  an  education, 
he  learned  the  alphabet  from  a  fellow-workman, 
and  a  friend  taught  him  spelling.  He  was  sooa 
able  to  read,  and  pursued  his  studies  steadily 
working  ten  or  twelve,  hours  a  day  at  his  trade, 
and  studying  two  or  three  more.  In  1826  he  re- 
moved to  Greenville,  Tennessee.  He  was  subse- 
quently chosen  alderman  of  his  town,  and  with 
this  election  entered  upon  his  political  career. 
Studying  law  he  abandoned  tailoring,  and  devoted 
himself  to  legal  pursuits  and   politics.     He  was 


ANDEEW  JOHNSON. 


'174 


PACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         175 

successively  chosen  Mayor,  Member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, Presidential  elector,  and  State  Senator.  He 
was  twice  elected  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and 
three  times  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  from 
that  State.  Upon  the  secession  of  Tennessee  from 
the  Union,  he  refused  to  relinquish  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union  throughout  the  war,  winning  considerable 
reputation  during  the  struggle  by  his  services  in 
behalf  of  the  national  cause.  He  was  an  earnest, 
honest-hearted  man,  who  sincerely  desired  to  do 
his  duty  to  the  country.  His  mistakes  were  due 
to  his  temperament,  and  proceeded  from  no  desiri 
to  serve  his  own  interests  or  those  of  any  party, 
In  his  public  life  he  was  incorruptible.  A  man  ol 
ardent  nature,  strong  convictions,  and  indomitabk 
will,  it  was  not  possible  that  he  should  avoid 
errors,  or  fail  to  stir  up  a  warm  and  determined 
opposition  to  his  policy. 

The  first  duty  devolving  upon  the  new  adminis- 
tration was  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  which  at 
the  close  of  the  war  numbered  over  a  million  of 
men.  It  was  prophesied  by  foreign  nations  and 
feared  by  many  persons  at  home,  that  the  sudden 
return  of  such  a  large  body  of  men  to  the  pursuits 
of  civil  life  would  be  attended  with  serious  evils, 
but  both  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  soldiers 
went  back  quietly  and  readily  to  their  old  avoca- 
tions. Thus  did  these  citizen-soldiers  give  to  the 
world  a  splendid  exhibition  of  the  triumph  of  law 


176    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

iind  order  in  a  free  country,  and  a  proof  of  the 

stability  of  our  institutions. 

The  restoration  of  the  Southern  States  to  their 
places  in  the  Union  was  the  most  important  work 
of  Mr.  Johnson's  administration. 

In  the  fall  of  1868  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republican  party  nominated  Gen- 
eral Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  Democratic  party  nominated  Horatio 
Seymour,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Frank  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  election  resulted  in  the  ehoice  of 
General  Grant  by  a  popular  vote  of  2,985,031  to 
2,648,830  votes  cast  for  Mr.  Seymour.  In  the 
electoral  college  Grant  received  217  votes  and 
Seymour  77.  The  States  of  Virginia,  Mississippi 
and  Texas  were  not  allowed  to  take  part  in  this 
election,  being  still  out  of  the  Union. 

ADMINISTRATION    OF    ULYSSES    S. 

GRANT. 
4th  of  March,  1869— 4th  of  March,  1877. 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  the  eighteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
with  imposing  ceremonies  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1869.  He  was  born  at  Mount  Pleasant,  Ohio,  on 
the  27th  of  April,  1822.  His  father  was  a  tanner, 
and  wished  him  to  follow  his  trade,  but  the  boy 
had  more  ambitious  hopes,  and  at  the  age  of  seven- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS,    1^7 

teen  a  friend  secured  for  him  an  appointment  as 
a  cadet  at  West  Point,  where  he  was  educated. 
Upon  graduating  he  entered  the  army.  Twe 
years  later  he  was  sent  to  Mexico,  and  served 
through  the  war  with  that  country  with  di@tino< 


ULYSSES    r     GRANT. 


tion.  He  was  specially  noticed  by  his  comman* 
ders,  and  was  promoted  for  gallant  conduct.  Soon 
after  the  close  of  the  war  he  resigned  his  commis- 
sion, and  remained  in  civil  life  and  obscurity  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war,  when  he  volun- 


M 


178    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

teered  his  services,  and  was  commissioned  by 
Governor  Yates  Colonel  of  the  Twenty-first  Illi- 
nois regiment.  He  was  J=oon  made  a  Brigadier- 
General,  and  fought  his  first  battle  at  Belmont. 
His  subsequent  career  has  been  related  in  all  his- 
tories of  the  Great  Civil  War.  He  selected  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet  more  because  of  his  per- 
gonal friendship  for  them  than  for  their  weight 
and  influence  in  the  party  that  had  elected  him. 

General  Grant  was  the  fifth  President  whose 
military  achievements  had  contributed  more  to  hist 
election  to  this  high  oflQce  than  any  services  ren- 
dered in  the  civil  departments  of  the  government. 
His  inaugural,  delivered  before  an  immense  crowd 
of  enthusiastic  admirers,  on  the  east  portico  of  the 
capitol,  was  brief  and  pointed.  He  was  no  orator, 
and  his  address  on  this  occasion  was  rehearsed 
from  a  manuscript  before  him.  It  might  be  char- 
acterized as  a  good  specimen  of  the  '' multum  in 
parvo.''  He  said  "  he  should  have  no  policy  of  his 
own,  except  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  people,  as 
expressed  by  the  legislative  department,  and  ex« 
pounded  by  the  judiciary.  Laws,"  said  he,  "are 
to  govern  all  alike,  those  opposed,  as  well  as  those 
who  favor  them.  I  know  of  no  method  to  secure 
the  repeal  of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  efiective  as 
their  stringent  execution."  The  oath  of  ofiice  was 
administered  by  Chief-Justice  Chase. 

His  cabinet  consisted  at  first  of  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne,  of  Illinois,  Secretary  of  State;    Alexander 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    179 

T.  Stewart,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury;  John  D.  Kawlins,  of  Illinois,  who  had 
been  his  chief  of  staff  from  the  beginning  of  the 
great  war  until  its  termination,  Secretary  of  War; 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  ;  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior ;  John  A.  J.  Cresswell,  of  Maryland, 
Postmaster-General ;  and  Ebenezer  R.  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  Attorney-General. 

Several  changes  in  the  cabinet  were  afterwards 
made,  the  most  notable  of  which  were  George  Si 
Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  instead  of  Alexander  T.  Stewart,  the 
famous  merchant  of  New  York.  Soon  after  the 
confirmation  of  the  latter  by  the  Senate,  it  was 
ascertained  that  he  was  ineligible  under  the  law, 
because  of  his  being  engaged  in  commerce.  Mr. 
Washburne  also  gave  up  his  place  to  accept  the 
position  of  Minister  to  France,  and  the  vacant 
Secretaryship  of  the  State  Department  was  given 
to  Hamilton  Fish  of  New  York. 

The  President  on  the  20th  of  March,  1870,  issued 
a  proclamation  announcing  that  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  had  been  duly  ratified  by  a  sufficient 
number  of  States,  and  therefore  declared  it  to  be 
part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  fall  of  1872,  another  presidential  election 
occurred.  The  canvass  was  marked  by  the  most 
intense  partisan  bitterness.  The  Republican  party 
renominated  General  Grant  for  the  presidency,  and 


180     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

supported  Henry  Wilson  for  the  vice-presidency 
The  measures  of  the  administration  had  arrayed  a 
large  number  of  Republicans  against  it.  These 
now  organized  themselves  as  the  Liberal  Republican 
party,  and  nominated  Horace  Greeley  of  New  York 
for  the  presidency,  and  B.  Gratz  Brown  of  Missouri 
for  the  vice- presidency.  The  Democratic  party 
made  no  nominations,  and  its  convention  indorsed 
the  candidates  of  the  Liberal  Republican  partj. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Republican  candidates  by  overwhelming  majorities. 
The  elections  were  scarcely  over  when  the 
country  was  saddened  by  the  death  of  Horace 
Greeley.  He  had  been  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  had  been  closely  identified 
with  the  political  history  of  the  country  for  over 
thirty  years.  He  was  the  "Founder  of  the  New 
York  Tribune,''  and  had  done  good  service  with  his 
journal  in  behalf  of  the  cause  he  believed  ^o  be 
founded  in  right.  He  was  a  man  of  simple  and 
childlike  character,  utterly  unaffected,  and  generous 
to  a  fault.  In  his  manner  and  dress  he  was  eccen- 
tric, but  nature  had  made  him  a  true  gentleman  at 
heart.  His  intellectual  ability  was  conceded  by  alL 
His  experience  in  public  life  and  his  natural  dis- 
position induced  him  to  favor  a  policy  of  concilia- 
tion in  the  settlement  of  the  reconstruction  ques- 
tion, and,  influenced  by  these  convictions,  he  signed 
the  bail-bond  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  secured  the 
release  of  the  fallen  leader  of  the   South  from  his 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     181 

tmprisonment.  This  act  cost  him  a  large  part  of 
his  popularity  in  the  North.  He  accepted  the 
presidential  nomination  of  the  Liberal  party  in  the 
belief  that  his  election  would  aid  in  bringing  about 
a  better  state  of  feeling  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  He  was  attacked  by  his  political  opponents 
with  a  bitterness  which  caused  him  much  suffering., 
and  many  of  his  old  friends  deserted  him  and 
joined  in  the  warfare  upon  him.  Just  before  the 
close  of  the  canvass,  his  wife,  to  whom  he  was 
tenderly  attached,  died,  and  his  grief  for  her  and 
the  excitement  caused  by  the  political  contest 
broke  him  down  and  unsettled  his  mind.  He  was 
conveyed  by  his  friends  to  a  private  asylum,  where 
he  died  on  the  29th  of  November,  1872,  in  the 
sixty-second  year  of  his  age.  The  result  of  the 
election  by  States  was  286  electoral  votes  for  Grant, 
for  President,  286  for  Wilson,  for  Vice-President, 
and  47  for  B.  Gratz  Brown,  for  Vice-President. 

Mr.  Greeley  having  died  soon  after  the  election, 
and  before  the  meeting  of  the  Electoral  Colleges, 
the  electoral  votes  that  he  carried  at  the  popular 
election  (only  65)  were  cast  in  the  colleges  for  a 
number  of  persons  whose  names  had  never  been 
connected  with  fhe  office. 

The  votes  by  States  for  Grant  were  Alabama, 
California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Florida,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Mississippi,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Ne- 
vada,   North    Carolina,    New    Hampshire^    New 


182     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Jersey,  New  York,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  West  Virginia,  Vir- 
ginia, Vermont,  AVisconsin — 29.  Those  casting 
electoral  votes  against  Grant  were  Maryland, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  and 
Texas — 6.  The  electoral  votes  of  the  States  of 
Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  not  counted. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1876,  the  United  States 
of  America  completed  the  one  hundredth  year  of 
their  existence  as  an  independent  nation.  The 
day  was  celebrated  with  imposing  ceremonies  an(? 
with  the  most  patriotic  enthusiasm  in  all  parts  di 
the  Union.  The  celebrations  began  on  the  night 
of  the  3d  of  July,  and  were  kept  up  until  midnight 
on  the  4th.  Each  of  the  great  cities  of  the  Unio< 
vied  with  the  others  in  the  splendor  and  complete* 
ness  of  its  rejoicings ;  but  the  most  interesting  of 
all  the  celebrations  w^as  naturally  that  which  was 
held  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  city  the  Deolaration 
of  Independence  was  adopted. 

In  the  summer  of  1876  the  various  political  par- 
ties met  in  their  respective  conventions  to  nomi- 
nate candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi- 
dency of  the  United  States,  which  officers  were  to 
be  chosen  at  the  general  election  in  November. 
The  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio,  on  the  14th  of  June,  and  resulted  in 
the  nomination  of  Governor  Rutherford  B.  Hayes, 
of  Ohio,  for  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
of  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  for  Vica- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    183 

President.  The  Democratic  Convention  was  held 
at  St.  Louis  on  the  27th  of  June,  and  nominated 
Governor  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  for  the 
Presidency,  and  Governor  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of 
Indiana,  for  tiie  Vice-Presidency.  A  third  Conven- 
tion, representing  the  Independent  Greenback  party, 
met  at  ludianapohs  on  the  18th  of  May,  and  nomi" 
nated  Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for  President, 
and  Samuel  F.  Gary,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President. 

The  campaign  which  followed  these  nominations 
was  one  of  intense  bitterness,  and  was  in  n>any 
respects  the  most  remarkable  the  country  has  jvef 
witnessed. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  7th  of  November* 
The  popular  vote  was  as  follows  i 

For  Samuel  J.  Tilden „. 4,284,26S 

"   RutherforclB.  Hayes 4,033,295 

"   Peter  Cooper 81,737 

Tilden  thus  received  a  popular  majority  of 
250,970  votes  over  Hayes,  and  a  majority  of  169,« 
233  votes  over  both  Hayes  and  Cooper. 

Both  sides  claimed  the  success  of  their  tickets, 
in  several  of  the  States  there  were  two  returns- 
Three  hundred  and  sixty-nine  was  the  aggregate 
number  of  votes  of  the  electoral  college.  It  re- 
quired 185  to  elect.  The  advocates  of  Tilden  and 
Hendricks  maintained  that  by  right  they  were  en- 
titled to  the  electoral  votes  of  South  Carolina. 
P'lorida,  and  Louisiana,  which  would  give  them  aa 


184    PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRFSIDENTS. 

aggregate  of  203  votes ;  but  that  if  the  votes  of 
these  three  States,  amounting  to  19,  were  given  to 
Hayes  and  Wheeler,  Tilden  and  Hendricks  would 
still  have  184  undisputed  votes,  jvid  that  they  were 
clearly  entitled  to  one  vote  from  Oregon,  which 
would  give  them  185 — the  requisite  majority. 
Meantime  the  Republican  le?tders  maintained  that 
upon  a  right  coiMit  of  the  vote  of  the  four  Statee 
in  dispute  Hayes  and  Wheeler  had  the  majority. 
Leading  Republicans  in  Congress  maintained  that 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  had  a  right  to 
count  the  votes  as  sent  up  from  the  several  States, 
and  to  decide  questions  of  dispute  between  differ- 
ent returning  boards.  The  Democrats  proposed 
that  the  matter  should  be  settled  and  adjusted 
under  the  previously  existing  joint  rule  of  the  two 
Houses  on  the  subject  of  counting  the  eKxtora/ 
votes.  This  the  Republicans  refused  to  do.  The 
condition  of  affairs  was  assuming  a  threatening 
aspect^  when  a  proposition  was  made  to  ]:>rovide  by 
law  for  a  Joint  High  Commission  to  whom  the 
whole  subject  should  be  referred.  This  v^^as  to 
consist  of  five  members  of  the  House,  five  of  the 
Senate,  and  five  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  five 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  were  Clifford,  Miller, 
Field,  Strong,  and  Bradley ;  the  Senators  were 
Edmunds,  Morton,  Frelinghuysen,  Bayard,  and 
Thurman  ;  the  members  of  the  House  were  Payne, 
Hunton,  Abbott,  Garfield,  and  Hoar. 

To  the  commission  thus  constituted,  the  whol^ 
subject  was  referred  by  special  act  of  Congress. 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    185 

The  tv/o  Houses  of  Congress  met  in  joint  con- 
vention on  the  1st  of  February,  1877,  and  began 
the  counting  of  the  electoral  vote.  When  the 
vote  of  Florida  was  reached,  three  certificates  were 
presented  and  were  referred  to  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission. This  body,  upon  hearing  the  arguments 
of  the  counsel  of  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties,  decided  that  it  had  no  power  to  go  behind 
the  action  of  the  Return  Board,  and  that  the  cer 
tificate  of  that  body  giving  the  vote  of  that  State 
to  Hayes  must  be  accepted  by  the  two  Houses  of 
Congresi^  The  vote  by  whicli  this  decision  was 
reached  stood  eight  (all  Republicans)  in  favor  of 
it,  and  seven  (all  Democrats)  against  it.  A  similar 
coEilusion  was  come  to  in  the  case  of  Louisiana. 
Objections  were  made  to  the  reception  of  the  vote!? 
of  Oregon  and  South  Carolina.  In  the  Oregon 
case  the  decision  was  unanimously  in  favor  of 
counting  the  votes  of  the  Hayes  electors.  In  the 
South  Carolina  case  the  commission  decided  that 
the  Democratic  electors  were  not  lawfully  chosen ; 
but  on  the  motion  to  give  the  State  to  Hayes  the 
vote  stood  8  yeas  to  7  nays.  So  South  Carolina 
was  counted  for  Hayes.  Objection  was  made  on 
the  ground  of  ineligibility  to  certain  electors  from 
Michigan,  Nevada,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island, 
Vermont,  and  Wisconsin,  but  the  objections  were 
not  sustained  by  the  two  Houses. 

This  Commission  made  its  final  report  od  all  the 
cases  submitted  to  them,  on  the  2d  day  of  Marcl:!^ 


186    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

and  according  to  their  decision,  Hayes  and  Wheeler 
received  185  votes,  and  Tilden  and  Hendricks  184 
votes.  The  States  that  vjted  for  Hayes  and 
Wheeler  were  California,  Colorado,  Florida,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  Pennsyl- 
vania, South  Carolina,  Vermont  and  Wisconsin; 
jmd  those  which  voted  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks 
were  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Georgia,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  and  West  Virginia. 

General  Grant,  on  the  expiration  of  his  second 
term,  retired  from  office,  but  remained  in  Wash- 
ington City,  receiving  marked  demonstrations  of 
the  admiration  of  his  friends  for  some  months, 
before  starting  upon  an  extensive  travel  through 
Europe  and  around  the  world. 

ADMINISTRATION     OF    RUTHERFORD    R 
HAYES. 

4th  of  March,  1877— 4th  of  March,  1881. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  the  nineteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
on  Monday,  March  5th,  1877.  As  the  4th  of 
March  fell  on  Sunday,  the  President-elect  simply 
took  the  oath  of  office  on  that  day.  The  inaugural 
ceremonies  were  carried  out  on  the   5th  at  the 


BUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES. 


187 


ISS         FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

capitol  with  the  usual  pomp  and  parade,  and  iw 
the  presence  of  an  enormous  multitude  of  citizens 
and  visiting  military  organizations  from  all  parts 
of  the  country.  After  the  customary  reception  by 
the  Senate,  the  new  President  was  escorted  to  the 
eastern  portico  of  the  capitol,  where  he  delivered 
his  inaugural  address  to  the  assembled  multitudej 
after  which  the  oath  of  office  was  publicly  adminis- 
tered  to  him  by  Chief-Justice  Waite. 

The  new  President  was  a  native  of  Ohio,  having 
been  born  at  Delaware,  in  that  State,  on  the  4th 
of  October,  1822.  He  graduated  at  Kenyon  Col- 
lege, Ohio,  and  obtained  his  professional  education 
at  the  law  school,  Cambridge,  Mass.  He  began  the 
practice  of  law  at  Cincinnati  in  1856.  Soon  aftet 
the  opening  of  the  w^ar  he  enlisted  in  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  Volunteers,  with  which  regiment  he 
served  as  major,  lieutenant-colonel  and  colonel 
He  led  his  regiment,  which  formed  a  part  of 
General  Reno's  division,  at  the  battle  of  South 
Mountain,  in  September,  1862,  and  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  arm  in  that  engagement.  In  thii 
fall  of  1862  he  was  made  colonel  of  the  regiment, 
and  in  1864  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier, 
general  of  volunteers,  and  was  brevetted  major 
general,  "for  gallant  and  distinguished  services 
during  the  campaigns  of  1864  in  West  Virginia, 
and  particularly  in  the  battles  of  Fisher's  Hill  and 
Cedar  Creek."  At  the  time  of  this  last  promotion 
tte  was  in  command  of  a  division.      He  serve4 


fACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         189 

until  the  close  of  the  war,  receiving  four  wounds 
and  having  five  horses  shot  under  him  during  his 
fnilitary  career.  In  the  fall  of  1864  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  and  was  returned  a  second  time  in 
1866.  In  1867,  before  the  expiration  of  his  Con- 
gressional term,  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio, 
and  was  re-elected  to  that  office  in  1869,  being 
each  time  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party. 
In  1870  General  Hayes  was  again  elected  to  Con- 
gress, and  in  1874  was  nominated  for  a  third  term 
as  Governor  of  Ohio.  His  opponent  was  Governor 
WiUiam  Allen,  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Democratic  leaders  of  Ohio.  General  Hayes  was 
elected  by  a  handsome  majority.  He  resigned  thia 
office  in  March,  1877,  to  enter  upon  his  new  duties 
as  President  of  the  United  States. 

President  Hayes  selected  as  his  cabinet  William 
M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State; 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; 
George  W.  McCrary,  of  Iowa,  Secretary  of  War; 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior ;  David  M.  Key,  of  Tennessee,  Post* 
master-General ;  and  Charles  E.  Devens,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Attorney-General.  The  cabinet  was  of  a 
composite  character  and  generally  regarded  as  a  very 
conservative  one.  Mr.  Hayes,  early  in  his  admin- 
istration, adopted  several  reforms  in  the  civil  service, 
one  of  which  was  not  to  allow  Federal  office- 
.Wders  to  take  active  part  in  elections. 


1V)()    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Few  Presidents  were  ever  so  embarrassed  upon 
entering  on  the  duties  of  the  office  as  he  was.  At 
this  time  the  States  of  South  Carohna  and  Lou- 
isiana were  in  a  quasi  civil  war.  Two  Governors 
in  each  were  claiming  to  be  entitled  to  the  execu- 
tive chair.  Two  legislatures  in  each  were  also 
claiming  to  be  rightfully  entitled  to  the  law-making 
power. 

Mr.  Ha^  es  displayed  the  most  consummate  skill 
in  the  conduct  and  settlement  of  these  most  em- 
barrassing questions.  In  the  summer  of  1880  the 
various  political  parties  of  the  country  met  in  Con- 
vention to  nominate  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  The 
Republican  Convention  met  in  Chicago  on  the  2d 
of  June^  and  nominated  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio, 
for  President,  and  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New 
York,  for  Vice-President.  (The  platform  and  all 
the  ballots  of  this  convention  will  be  found  in 
another  part  of  this  work.)  The  Democratic  Con- 
vention met  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  22d  of  June,  and 
nominated  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  President,  and  William  H.  English,  of 
Indiana,  for  Vice-President.  The  Greenback  Con- 
vention met  at  Chicago,  on  the  9th  of  June,  and 
nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  2d  of  November, 
\nd  resulted  in  the  choice  of  General  James  A. 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         191 

Garfield,  who  received  214  electoral  votes  to  155 
electoral  votes  cast  for  General  Hancock. 

The  States  that  voted  for  Garfield  and  Arthur 
were :  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  MichigaUj 
Minnesota,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  New  York, 
Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Ver» 
mont,  Wisconsin ;  and  those  that  voted  for  Han- 
cock  and  English  were :  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Del 
aware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nevada,  New 
Jersey,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

The  State  of  California  was  divided.  She  cast 
one  vote  for  Garfield  and  Arthur,  and  five  for 
Hancock  and  English. 

The  last  days  of  Mr.  Hayes'  administration  were 
the  happiest  he  spent  in  the  White  House.  At 
the  close  of  his  term,  he  retired  to  his  residence  at 
Fremont,  Ohio,  followed  by  the  good  will  of  mil- 
lions of  his  fellow-citizens. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GARFIELD. 

-4th  of  March,  1881— 19th  of  September,  1881. 

On  Friday,  March  4th,  1881,  the  inauguration 
ceremonies  took  place  upon  a  scale  of  unusual  mag- 
nificence, and  were  participated  in  by  numerous 
military  and  civic  organizations,  and  by  tiiousands 
of  citizens  from  all  parts  of  the  country.    After  the 


192    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUH  PRESIDENTS. 

new  Vice-President  had  taken  the  oath  of  office, 
President-eioct  Garfield  was  formally  received  by 
the  Senate,  and  escorted  to  the  eastern  poitico  of 
the  capitol,  where,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense 
multitude  of  citizens  and   soldiery,  he  delivered 


JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

iKH  ttble  and  eloquent  inaugural  address,  and  took 
the  oath  of  office  at  the  hands  of  Chief-Justicfl 
Waite. 

The  new  President  had  been  Ion  if  and  favorably 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    X93 

known  to  his  countrymen.  He  was  in  his  fiftieth 
year,  and  in  vigorous  health.  A  man  of  command- 
ing presence,  he  was  dignified  and  courteous  in  his 
demeanor,  accessible  to  the  humblest  citizen,  and 
deservedly  popular  with  men  of  all  parties.  Bom 
ft  poor  boy,  without  influential  friends,  he  had  by 
his  own  efforts  secured  a  thorough  collegiate  edu- 
cation, and  had  carefully  fitted  himself  for  the 
arduous  duties  he  was  now  called  upon  to  dis- 
charge. Entering  the  army  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war,  he  had  won  a  brilliant  reputation  as  a 
soldier,  and  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major- 
General  of  volunteers.  Elected  to  Congress  from 
Ohio,  in  1862,  he  had  entered  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  December,  1863,  and  had  seen  almost 
eighteen  years  of  constant  service  in  that  body,  in 
which  he  had  long  ranked  as  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant and  trusted  leaders  of  the  Republican  party. 
Early  in  1880  be  had  been  chosen  a  United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio,  but  had  been  prevented  from 
taking  his  seat  in  the  Senate  by  his  election  to  the 
Presidency.  Immediately  after  his  inauguration 
the  names  of  the  new  cabinet  were  sent  to  the 
Senate,  and  were  confirmed  without  opposition. 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was  Secretary  of  State  ; 
William  Windom,  of  Minnesota,  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  son  of 
ex-President  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  Secretary  of 
War;  William  H.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  was  Secretary 
of  the  Navy ;  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,of  Iowa,  was  Sec- 

N 


194    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

retary  of  the  Interior ;  Thomas  L.  James,  of  New 
York,  was  Postmaster-General,  and  Wayne  Mc- 
Veagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  Attorney-General. 

The  Cabinet  was  regarded,  generally,  as  one 
very  judiciously  selected,  being  all  men  of  marked 
ability,  though  of  somewhat  different  shades  of 
opinion  in  the  Republican  party. 

As  the  time  wore  on,  President  Garfield  gained 
steadily  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  Hia 
purpose  to  give  to  the  nation  a  fair  and  just  ad- 
ministration of  the  government  was  every  day 
more  apparent,  and  his  high  and  noble  qualitiei^ 
became  more  conspicuous.  Men  began  to  feel  for 
the  first  time  in  many  years  that  the  Executive 
chair  was  occupied  by  a  President  capable  of  con- 
ceiving a  pure  and  noble  standard  of  duty,  and 
possessed  of  the  firmness  and  strength  of  will 
necessary  to  carry  it  into  execution.  The  country 
was  prosperous,  and  there  was  every  reason  to  ex- 
pect a  continuance  of  the  general  happiness. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2d,  President  Garfield, 
accompanied  by  a  distinguished  party,  including 
several  members  of  the  Cabinet,  preceeded  to  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  depot,  in  Washington,  to 
take  the  cars  for  Long  Branch.  The  President 
arrived  in  company  with  Secretary  Blaine.  They 
left  the  President's  carriage  together,  and  walked 
arm-in-arm  into  the  depot.  In  passing  through 
the  ladies'  waiting-room,  the  President  was  fired  at 
twice  by  a  man  named  Charles  J.  Guiteau.     The 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.         195 

first  shot  inflicted  a  slight  wound  in  the  President's 
right  arm,  and  the  second  a  terrible  wound  in  the 
right  side  of  his  back,  between  the  hip  and  the 
kidney.  The  President  fell  heavily  to  the  floor, 
ftnd  the  assassin  was  secured  as  he  was  seeking  to 
make  his  escape  from  the  building. 

The  whole  city  was  thrown  into  the  greatest 
consternation  and  agitation  when  swift-winged 
rumor  bore  the  news  through  every  street  and 
avenue,  that  the  President  had  been  assassinated ! 
The  wires  carried  the  same  consternation  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union,  as  well 
as  to  foreign  nations. 

In  the  meantime,  the  suffering  President  re- 
ceived every  attention  that  could  be  given.  He 
was  borne  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  Executive 
mansion,  where  many  eminent  ^surgeons  of  the 
country  were  soon  summoned  to  his  bedside ;  but 
no  permanent  relief  was  given.  The  ball  was  not 
found,  and  he  continued  to  suffer  and  languish  for 
weeks.  His  physicians  thought  it  best  to  remove 
him  to  Long  Branch.  Suitable  and  comfortable  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  his  travel  from  the 
White  House  to  Francklyn  Cottage,  at  El  heron,  at 
that  place,  and  his  journey  was  successfully  per- 
formed on  the  6th  of  September. 

Here  he  continued  to  languish,  with  intervals  of 
hopeful  improvement  until  he  suddenly  grew  worse 
on  the  18th,  and  finally  expired  quietly  at  10.35 
p.  M.,  on  the  19th  of  September. 


196    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

His  remains  were  taken  to  Washington  and  lay 
in  state  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol,  after  which 
they  were  conveyed  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  there 
interred  with  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  cer- 
emonies. Never  before  was  there  such  universal 
and  unfeigned  sorrow  over  the  death  of  any  public 
official. 

On  the  night  of  the  death  of  the  President  at 
Elberon,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  present  joined 
in  sending  the  following  telegram  to  Mr.  Arthur, 
the  Vice-President,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
city  of  New  York  : 

"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform  you  of 
the  death  of  President  Garfield,  and  to  advise  you 
to  take  the  oath  of  office  without  delay." 

Mr.  Arthur,  as  advised  by  Mr.  Garfield's  Cabi- 
net, imraediatelv  took  the  oath  of  office  before 
Judge  Brady,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

On  the  22d  of  September  President  Arthur  again 
took  the  oath  of  office,  this  time  at  the  hands  of 
the  Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
quietly  inaugurated  in  the  Vice-President's  room, 
in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  delivering  upon  this 
occasion  a  brief  inaugural  address. 

President  Arthur  entered  quietly  upon  the  dutieis 
of  his  administration,  and  his  first  acts  were  sat- 
isfactory to  a  majority  of  his  countrymen.  As  he 
had  been  the  leader  of  ''  the  Stalwart "  section  of 
the  Eepublican  party,   it  was  felt  by  the  mem- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


19; 


bers  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  late  President  that  he 
should  be  free  to  choose  his  own  advisers.  There- 
fore, immediately  upon  his  accession  to  the  Execu- 
tive chair,  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  colleagues  tendered 


CHESTER    A.    ARTHUR. 


him  their  resignations.  They  were  requested, 
however,  by  the  new  President  to  retain  their 
offices  until    he   could  find  suitable  successors  to 


198    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

them.  To  this  they  agreed,  but  before  the  year 
was  one  several  important  changes  had  been  made 
in  the  Cabinet.  The  principal  of  these  were  the  sub- 
stitution of  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New 
Jersey,  for  Mr.  Blaine,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and 
the  appointment  of  Judge  Charles  J.  Folger,  of 
Ohio,  to  the  Treasury  Department. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  administration 
was  to  cause  the  indictment  of  Charles  J.  Guiteau 
for  the  murder  of  President  Garfield.  After  some 
delay  the  trial  of  the  assassin  began  on  the  14  th 
of  November.  It  ended  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1882,  in  the  conviction  of  Guiteau  for  the  murder 
9f  the  late  President. 

The  execution  took  place  in  the  District  jail  on 
the  30th  of  June,  1882,  and  was  witnessed  by 
about  200  people,  many  of  whom  were  represen- 
fcatives  of  the  press. 

THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF 
GROVER   CLEVELAND 

March  4th,  1885— March  4th,  1889 
The  twenty-second  President  of  the  United 
States  was  Grover  Cleveland.  Mr,  Cleveland  was 
a  native  of  New  Jersey,  and  was  born  in  Caldwell, 
Essex  Co.,  March  18, 1837.  He  came  from  sturdy 
New  England  stock,  many  of  his  ancestors  having 
held  honorable  positions  in  their  respective  locali- 
ti>548>     Some   of  them    were   ministers,   of  which 


PRESIDENT  GROVER  CLEVEL/^x.^. 


199 


200    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

number  was  President  Cleveland's  father.  The 
training  in  the  family  was  such  as  to  make  the 
boys,  of  whom  there  were  several,  upright,  self- 
reliant,  acquainted  with  public  affairs,  and  quali° 
fied  for  useful  life. 

President  Cleveland,  after  teaching  two  or  three 
years,  studied  law  in  Buffalo,  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  became  sheriff  of  the  county,  and,  having  re- 
ceived the  nomination  for  Governor  of  New  York, 
was  elected  by  a  large  uiajority.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  his  nomination  in  the  Democratic  Con- 
vention of  1884  and  his  election  in  the  following 
November. 

With  very  imposing  ceremonies  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  inaugurated  at  Washington  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1885.  His  inaugural  address  was  a  clear, 
manly  and  forcible  presentation  of  the  duties  be- 
longing to  his  high  office,  with  some  suggestions 
concerning  the  vital  questions  of  the  hour. 

President  Cleveland's  administration  was  char- 
acterized by  a  conservative  policy,  a  desire  to  pu- 
rify official  life,  a  bold  and  vigorous  dealing  with 
the  tariff  question,  and  a  careful  guarding  of  the 
public  treasury.  At  the  close  of  the  third  year  of 
his  administration  the  Democratic  party  naturally 
looked  to  him  to  be  their  standard-bearer  during 
the  ensuing  campaign. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

March  4th,   1889— March  4th,  1893 

Benjamin   Harrison  was  born  at  North  Bend, 
Ohio,  August  2otli,  1833.      John  Scott  Harrison, 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 


father  of  Benjamin,  served  as  a  Governor  of  the 
Northwestern    Territory,  and   in  this  position  as 

20i 


202  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL   OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

well  as  in  that  of  member  of  Congress,  rendered 
good  service.  He  was  a  farmer  by  occupation, 
and  entered  public  life  only  at  the  call  of  his 
constituents.  His  illustrious  son  graduated  at 
Miami  University,  Ohio,  in  1851,  and  on  October 
20th,  1853,  married  Miss  Caroline  Lavinia  Scott, 
of  Oxford,  Ohio. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  inaugurated  March  4th,  1889. 
His  administration  was  such  as  to  inspire  con- 
lidence  in  his  ability,  honesty  of  purpose,  and 
statesmanlike  wisdom.  With  James  G.  Blaine  for 
Secretary  of  State,  matters  at  issue  between  our 
Government  and  Great  Britain  and  Italy  were 
handled  in  a  conservative  manner,  and  at  the 
same  time  in  a  way  so  positive  that  no  charge 
of  weakness  or  unpatriotic  hesitation  could  be 
brought  against  him. 

Mr.  Harrison  approved  the  tariff  legislation, 
which  had  for  its  object  protection  to  American 
industries.  He  took  decided  groun^l  in  the  dispute 
with  England  concerning  the  Bering  Sea  fisheries. 
He  approved  the  legislation  upon  the  Chinese 
question,  and  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  reciprocity 
with  the  Republics  of  South  America. 

On  public  occasions  he  showed  the  same  felicity 
of  speech  which  characterized  him  during  the 
campaign  preceding  his  election,  and  his  course 
during  his  term  of  office  was  such  as  to  enhance 
his  popularity  and  gather  to  his  support  the 
substantial,  controlling  elements  of  his  party. 


SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  OF 
GROVER  CLEVELAND 

March  4th,  1893— March  4th,  1897 

In  November,  1892,  Mr.  Cleveland  was  elected 
by  a  large  majority,  and  was  inaugurated  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1893.  There  was  the  usual  large 
gathering  at  Washington  of  people  from  all  parts 
of  the  country,  who  were  drawn  together  by  the 
imposing  ceremonies  of  the  occasion. 

The  capital  was  in  gay  attire ;  there  was  a  fine 
military  display;  the  streets  through  which  the 
procession  passed  were  lined  with  crowds  of  spec- 
tators, and  among  the  Democrats  there  was  a  jubi- 
lant feeling  and  expressions  of  congratulation  upon 
the  return  of  Mr.  Cleveland  to  the  White  House. 

He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  at  a 
time  when  there  was  much  discussion  concerning 
public  questions,  especially  the  tariff  and  the  free 
coinage  of  silver.  A  low  protective  tariff  had 
been  the  chief  issue  of  the  preceding  campaign, 
and  it  was  understood  that  such  legislation  would 
be  adopted  as  would  change  the  McKinloy  bill 
and  admit  various  kinds  of  imports  from  other 
countries  at  lower  rates. 

One  of  the  main  features  of  Mr.  Cleveland's 
second  administration  was  the  enactment  of  the 
Wilson  tariff  bill,  which  produced  a  marked  effect 
upon  the  revenues  of  the  Government.  So  great 
was  the  falling  off  in  the  treasury  receipts  that 
upwards  of  $250,000,000  in  bonds  were  issued, 
"ri.io}i  found  a  ready  market,  thus  relieving  the 

203 


204  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

emergency  and  providing  money  for  current  ex- 
penditures. 

Mr.  Cleveland's  administration  was  also  charac- 
terized by  a  vigorous  foreign  policy.  This  was  not 
so  evident  in  the  early  periods  of  it  as  subsequently, 
when  he  protested  against  the  encroachments  of 
Great  Britain  upon  territory  which  the  Republic 
of  Venezuela,  in  South  America,  claimed  as  her 
own  by  lawful  right.  Much  discussion  followed 
his  message  upon  this  subject,  and  there  were 
angry  mutterings  of  war  in  both  England  and 
America.  This  folly  was  speedily  suppressed  by 
the  uprising  of  a  strong  sentiment  in  both  nations 
in  favor  of  peace  and  the  settlement  of  all  inter- 
national questions  by  a  court  of  arbitration. 

Next  came  the  Cuban  question,  the  party  of 
freedom  in  that  island  having  risen  again  in  an 
insurrection  which  was  very  formidable  and  prom- 
ised to  be  successful.  There  were  multitudes  of 
sympathizers  with  struggling  Cuba  throughout  the 
country,  and  their  sentiment  was  vigorously  ex- 
pressed by  the  members  of  Congress.  Resolutions 
were  passed  by  both  houses  granting  the  rights  of 
belligerents  to  the  Cuban  insurgents,  but  these 
resolutions  were  not  signed  by  Mr.  Cleveland  and 
consequently  failed  of  their  intended  effect.  The 
action  of  Congress  produced  a  profound  impression 
in  Spain,  mobs  assembled  at  various  points,  and 
bitter  insults  were  offered  to  the  American  flag. 
Happily  a  peaceful  policy  prevailed. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF 
WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

March  4th,  1897— March  4th,  1901 

In  the  election  of  November,  1896,  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley  received  7,101,401  of  the  popular  vote; 
Mr.  Bryan,  6,470,656 ;  Mr.  Palmer,  132,056,  and 
Mr.  Levering,  candidate  of  the  Prohibition  party, 
130,560.  Of  the  Electoral  College,  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley  received  271  votes,  and  Mr.  Bryan  176. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1897,  Mr.  McKinley  was 
inaugurated  President  with  imposing  ceremonies, 
and  Mr.  Hobart  was  inducted  into  the  office  of 
Vice-President.  A  multitude  of  people  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  assembled  in  Washington, 
and  nothing  occurred  to  mar  the  success  of  the 
inauguration.  Mr.  McKinley  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office  with  the  best  wishes,  not  only  of 
his  party,  but  of  all  classes  of  his  fellow-country- 
men. 

Mr.  McKinley  immediately  called  an  extra 
session  of  Congress,  which  assembled  on  March 
15,  for  the  express  purpose  of  revising  the  tariff, 
providing  a  revenue  sufficient  for  the  wants  of  the 
Government,  and  placing  the  finances  of  the 
nation  upon  a  sound  basis.  Hon.  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  of  Maine,  was  reelected  Speaker  of  the 
House. 

An  insurrection  which  broke  out  in  Cuba  in 
February,  1895,  led  to  the  landing  of  a  large 
Spanish  army  on  the  island  and  an  attempt  to 
suppress  the  uprising.  In  February,  1898,  the 
United    States   battleship   Maine   was   sent   on   a 

205 


206    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS, 

friendly  mission  to  the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  on 
the  15th  of  this  month  was  destroyed  by  a 
mysterious  explosion,  resulting  in  the  death  of 
266  sailors  and  marines  who  were  on  board.  The 
public  mind  was  greatly  excited  by  this  event,  and 


WILLIAM  Mckinley 

it  is  universally  conceded  that  it  had  much  to 
do  with  precipitating  the  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain  which  followed. 

On  April  18  both  Houses  of  Congress  united  in 
passing  a  series  of  resolutions  calling  for  the 
intervention  of  the  United  States  to  compel  Spain 
to  withdraw  her  forces  from  Cuba,  and  thus  permit 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.    207 

the  authorities  at  Washington  to  provide  the 
island  with  a  free  and  independent  government. 
The  demand  contained  in  the  resolutions  was  sent 
to  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Washington  on  April 
20,  who  at  once  called  for  his  passports  and  left  for 
Canada. 

In  the  war  that  followed  the  Spanish  fleets  at 
Manila  and  Santiago  were  destroyed  and  in 
several  land  battles  the  Spaniards  were  defeated, 
resulting  in  peace  between  the  two  countries, 
December,  1898. 

At  the  extra  session  of  Congress  called  by  Mr. 
McKinley,  already  referred  to,  changes  were  made 
in  the  tariff  whereby  greater  protection  was 
afforded  to  some  of  our  most  important  industries, 
and  immediately  the  country  entered  upon  a  career 
of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  doors  of  capital 
were  unlocked,  large  investments  were  made,  new 
business  enterprises  were  set  on  foot,  and  multi- 
tudes of  people  who  had  been  unemployed  were 
afforded  opportunity  for  work,  and  the  distress 
which  had  rested  like  a  pall  upon  the  country 
gradually  gave  way,  and  it  was  universally  con- 
ceded that  never,  probably,  had  all  kinds  of 
business  been  so  prosperous  throughout  the  country. 
On  every  side  the  busy  hum  of  industry  was 
heard,  and  even  during  the  period  when  we  were 
engaged  in  war  with  Spain  nearly  all  kinds  of 
business  were  brisk,  the  farmers'  crops  were  good 
and  money  was  plentiful. 


208         FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PEESIDENl'S. 

Aside  from  the  conduct  of  the  war  with  Spain 
and  the  war  with  the  Filipino  insurgents  that 
followed,  the  principal  measure  affecting  the 
welfare  of  the  country  during  Mr.  McKinley's 
administration  was  the  enactment  of  a  currency 
bill  in  which  the  gold  standard  was  established 
by  law.  This  important  measure  passed  both 
Houses  of  Congress  and  was  promptly  signed  by 
the  President. 

The  public  acts  of  President  McKinley  met 
with  the  hearty  approval  of  the  Republican  party 
and  he  was  enthusiastically  sustained  by  its 
leaders.  His  statesmanship  was  of  the  highest 
order ;  his  honesty  of  purpose  was  manifest ;  his 
popularity  with  the  people  was  almost  phenomenal, 
and  amidst  almost  unexampled  difficulties  sur- 
rounding the  administration  of  our  national 
affairs,  he  proved  himself  to  be  a  master  whose 
guiding  hand  upon  the  helm  of  the  Ship  of  State 
gave  confidence  to  the  people  at  large. 


Appendix  A. 

WHAT  IT  COSTS  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  LIVE 

The  official  salary  of  the  President  is  fixed 
by  law  at  fifty  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
or  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  his  teim 
of  four  years.  At  the  beginning  of  each 
term  Congress  makes  an  appropriation  for 
refurnishing  the  Executive  Mansion.  The 
kitchen  and  pantry  are  supplied  to  a  consid- 
erable extent  by  the  same  body.  Congress 
pays  all  the  employees  about  the  house,  from 
the  private  secretary  to  the  humblest  boot- 
black; it  provides  fuel  and  lights;  keeps  up 
the  stables;  and  furnishes  a  corps  of  gar- 
deners and  a  garden  to  supply  the  Presiden- 
tial board  with  fruits,  flowers,  and  vegetablea 
Many  persons  suppose  that  these  allowance? 
ought  to  be  enough  to  enable  him  to  liv# 
comfortably.  They  are  mistaken,  however. 
The  President  is  required  by  public  opinion 
to  live  in  a  style  consistent  with  the  dignity 
of  his  position  and  the  honor  of  the  country, 
And  such  a  mode  of  life  imposes  upon  him 
many  very  heavy  expenses.  Besides  this, 
he  is  expected  to  be  liberal  and  charitable 
towards  persons  and  meritorious  causes  seek- 
ing his  aid,  and  ''their  name  is  legion.'^  He 
cannot  give  as  a  private  individual;  his  do- 
nation must  be  large.  The  expense  of  en- 
tertaining the  various  officers  of  the  Grovem- 
ment,   members   of  Congress,   and   Foreign 

O  20i) 


210  THE    WHITE   HOUSE. 

Ministers,  is  enormous.     One  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars  per  annum  would  not  be  too 
much  to  allow  him. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  VISITORS. 

Access  to  the  President  may  be  easily  had 
by  any  person  having  legitimate  business 
with  him,  or  wishing  to  pay  his  respects  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  but,  as 
His  Excellency's  time  is  valuable  and  much 
occupied,  interviews  are  limited  to  the  short- 
est possible  duration.  Visitors,  upon  such 
occasions,  repair  to  the  reception-room  ad- 
joining the  President's  private  office,  send 
m  their  cards,  and  await  His  Excellency's 
pleasure. 

Besides  granting  these  private  interviews, 
rhe  President  holds  public  receptions  or 
levees  at  stated  times  during  the  sessions  of 
Congress. 

His  official  title  is  *'Mr.  Presiaent,"  but 
courtesy  has  added  that  of  "His  Excellency." 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  none  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive officers  of  the  States  of  the  Union 
except  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  have 
any  legal  claim  to  the  titles  "His  Excel- 
lency" and  "Tour  Excellency." 

All  sorts  of  people  come  to  see  the  Presi- 
dent, on  all  sorts  of  business.  His  immense 
patronage  makes  him  the  object  of  the 
efforts  of  many  unprincipled  men.     His  in- 


THJfi  WHITE   HOUSE.  211 

tegritv  is  subjected  to  the  severest  trials 
and  if  he  come  out  of  office  poor,  as  happil}' 
all  of  our  Presidents  have  don^,  he  must  in- 
deed be  an  honest  man.  His  position  is  not 
a  bed  of  roses,  for  he  cannot  hope  to  please 
all  parties.  His  friends  exaggerate  his  good 
qualities,  and  often  make  him  appear  ridicu- 
lous, v^hile  his  enemies  magnify  his  faults 
and  errors,  and  slander  and  persecute  him 
in  every  imaginable  way.  Pitfalls  are  set 
for  him  along  every  step  of  his  path,  and  he 
must  be  wary  indeed  if  he  would  not  faU 
into  them.  The  late  President  Buchanai 
once  said  that  there  were  at  least  two  per- 
sons in  the  world  who  could  not  echo  the 
wish  experienced  by  each  American  mother, 
that  her  son  might  one  day  be  President, 
and  that  they  were  the  retiring  and  the  in- 
coming Presidents,  the  first  of  whon;  was 
worn  and  we^iry  with  the  burden  he  wa.>  lay- 
ing down,  and  the  other  for  the  first  time 
fully  alive  to  the  magnitude  of  the  task  he 
had  undertaken. 

CABINET  MEETINGS. 
The  Cabinet  Ministers  in  our  Government 
are  the  Secretaries  placed  at  the  heads  of 
the  various  Departments.  They  are  the 
constitutional  advisers  of  the  President,  but 
he  is  not  obliged  to  be  governed  by  their 
advice.     It  is  customary,  however,  to  \s^ 


212  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

important  matters  before  them  for  their 
opinions  thereupon,  which  are  submitted  in 
writing  at  the  request  of  the  President,  and 
for  this  purpose  regular  meetings  of  the 
Cabinet  are  held  at  stated  times  in  a  room 
in  the  Executive  Mansion,  provided  for  that 
[)urpose.  It  is  located  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  mansion,  and  is  plainly  but  comfortably 
furnished. 

The  relations  existing  between  the  Presi- 
dent  and  his  Cabinet  are,  or  ought  to  be,  of 
the  most  friendly  and  confidential  nature. 
They  are  well  set  forth  in  the  attitude  main- 
tained upon  this  point  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  Says 
Mr.  Raymond,  his  biographer:  ''He  always 
maintained  that  the  proper  duty  of  each 
Secretary  was  to  direct  the  details  of  every- 
thing done  within  his  own  Department,  and 
to  tender  such  suggestions,  information,  and 
advice  to  the  President  as  he  might  solicit 
at  his  hands.  But  the  duty  and  responsi- 
bility of  deciding  what  line  of  policy  should 
be  pursued,  or  what  steps  should  be  taken 
in  any  specific  case,  in  his  judgment,  be- 
longed exclusively  to  the  President ;  and  he 
was  always  willing  and  ready  to  assume  it.'' 

THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

The  Executive  Mansion  is  situated  on 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  near  the  western  end 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  213 

of  the  city,  and  is  surrounded  by  the  Treas- 
ury, State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments. 
Tlie  grounds  in  front  are  handsomely  orna- 
mented, and  in  the  rear  a  fine  park  stretches 
away  to  the  rivbi.  The  location  is  attractive, 
and  commands  a  magnificent  view  of  the 
Potomac,  but  it  is  not  healthy.  Ague  and 
fever  prevails  in  the  Spring  and  Fall,  and 
renders  it  anything  but  a  desirable  place  of 
residence.  The  building  is  constructed  of 
freestone  painted  w^hite  —  hence  its  most 
common  name,  the  ''White  House."  It  was 
designed  by  James  Hoban,  and  was  modeled 
after  the  palace  of  the  duke  of  Leinster. 
The  corner-stone  was  laid  on  the  13th  of 
October,  1792,  and  the  house  was  ready  for 
occupancy  in  the  Summer  of  1800.  It  was 
partially  destroyed  by  the  British  in  1814. 
It  has  a  front  of  one  hundred  and  seventy 
feet,  and  a  depth  of  eighty-six  feet.  It  con- 
tains two  lofty  stories  of  rooms,  and  the  roof 
is  surrounded  with  a  handsome  balustrade. 
The  exterior  walls  are  ornamented  with  fine 
Ionic  pilasters.  On  the  north  front  is  a 
handsome  portico,  with  four  Ionic  columns 
in  front,  and  a  projecting  screen  with  three 
columns.  The  space  between  these  two  rows 
of  pillars  is  a  covered  carriage  way.  The 
main  entrance  to  the  house  is  from  this  por- 
tico through  a  massive  doorway,  which  opens 
into  the  main  hall.     The  garden  front  has  a 


214  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

rusticated  basement,  which  gives  a  third 
story  to  the  house  on  this  side,  and  by  a 
semi-circular  projecting  colonnade  of  six 
columns,  with  two  flights  of  steps,  leading 
from  the  ground  to  the  level  of  the  principal 
story. 

THE  INTERIOR  OP  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Entering  by  the  main  door,  the  visitor 
finds  himself  in  a  handsome  hall,  divided 
midway  by  a  row  of  imitation  marble  pil- 
lars, and  ornamented  with  portraits  of  former 
Presidents.  Passing  to  the  left,  you  ent^r 
the  magnificent  banqueting  hall,  or,  as  it  is 
commonly  called, 

THE  EAST  ROOM, 
which  occupies  the  entire  eastern  side  of  the 
house.  It  is  a  beautiful  apartment,  and  is 
handsomely  furnished.  It  is  used  during 
the  levees  and  upon  great  State  occasions. 
The  President  sometimes  receives  here  the 
congratulations  and  respects  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  is  subjected  to  the  torture  ol 
having  his  hand  squeezed  out  of  shape  by 
his  enthusiastic  friends.  It's  a  great  pity 
that  some  one  of  our  Chief  Magistrates  has 
not  the  moral  courage  to  put  a  stop  to  this 
ridiculous  practice  of  hand-shaking.  The 
East  Room  is  eighty-six  feet  long,  forty  feet 
wide,  and  twenty-eight  fe^t  high.    It  has  four 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  215 

fire-places,  and  is  not  an  easy  room  to  warm 
Adjoining  the  East  Room  are  three  others, 
smaller  in  size,  the  whole  constituting  one  oi 
the  handsomest  mdies  in  the  country.  The 
first,  adjoining  the  East  Eoom,  is  the  &reen 
Room,  the  next  the  Blue  Room^  and  th<j. 
third  the  Red  Room.  Each  is  handsomely 
furnished,  the  prevailing  color  of  the  apart- 
ment giving  the  name. 

THE  RED  ROOM 
is  elliptical  in  foim  having  a  bow  in  i^ar 
and  is  one  of  the  handsomest  in  the  house. 
It  is  used  by  the  President  as  a  general  re- 
ception-room. He  receives  here  the  official 
visits  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  Republic,  and 
of  foreign  ministers.  Previous  to  the  com- 
pletion of  the  East  Room,  this  apartment 
was  used  for  all  occasions  of  public  cere 
mony. 

The  building  contains  thirty-one  rooms  ol 
considerable  size.  West  of  the  Red  Room  is 
tlie  large  dining-room  used  upon  State  occa- 
sions, and  adjoining  that  is  the  small  dining- 
room  ordinarily  used  by  the  President  and 
his  family.  The  stairs  to  the  upper  story  are 
on  the  left  of  the  main  entrance,  and  are 
always  in  charge  of  the  door-keeper  and 
his  assistants,  whose  business  it  is  to  see 
that  no  improper  characters  find  access  to 
the  private  portion  of  the  house. 


216  THE    WHITE    HOUSE. 

The  north  front  has  six  rooms,  wliich  are 
used  as  chambers  by  the  family  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  the  south  front  has  seven  rooms-- 
the  ante-chamber,  audience-room,  cabinet- 
room,  private  office  of  the  President,  the 
ladies'  parlor,  and  two  others,  used  for  vari- 
ous purposes. 

THE  LADIES'  PARLOR 

is  situated  immediately  over  the  Red  Room, 
and  is  of  the  same  size  and  shape.  It  is 
for  the  private  use  of  the  ladies  of  the  Pres- 
ident's family,  and  is  the  handsomest  and 
most  tastefully  furnished  apartment  in  the 
house. 

There  are  eleven  rooms  in  the  basement, 
which  are  used  as  kitchens,  pantries,  but- 
ler's room,  (fee.  The  house  is  built  in  the 
old  style,  and  has  an  air  of  elegance  and 
comfort  extremely  pleasing  to  the  eye. 

FIRST  MISTRESS  OP  THE  WHITE  HOUSK. 

Mrs.  John  Adams  came  to  Washington 
with  her  husband  in  November,  1800,  and 
at  once  took  possession  of  the  Executive 
Mansion.  Her  impressions  of  it  are  thus 
described  by  herself  in  a  letter  to  her 
daughter,  written  soon  after  her  arrival. 
She  says : 

*'The  house  is  upon  a  grand  and  superb 
^ale    requiring   about    thirty   servants   to 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  217 

attend  and  keep  the  apartments  in  propei 
order,  and  perform  the  ordinary  business  of 
the  house  and  stables — an  establishment 
very  well  proportioned  to  the  President's 
salary.  The  lighting  the  apartments,  from 
the  kitchen  to  parlors  and  chambers,  is  a 
tax  indeed,  and  the  fires  wo  are  obliged  to 
keep  to  secure  us  from  daily  agues  is  an- 
other very  cheering  comfort.  To  assist  us 
in  this  great  castle,  and  render  less  attend- 
ance necessary,  bells  are  wholly  wanting, 
not  one  single  one  being  hung  through  the 
whole  house,  and  promises  are  all  you  can 
obtain.  This  is  so  great  an  inconvenience, 
that  I  know  not  what  to  do  or  how  to  do. 
The  ladies  from  Georgetown  and  in  the 
city  have  many  of  them  visited  me.  Yes- 
terday I  returned  fifteen  visits.  But  such 
a  place  as  Georgetown  appears !  Why,  our 
Milton  is  beautiful.  But  no  comparisons, 
if  they  put  me  up  bells,  and  let  me  have 
wood  enough  to  keep  fires,  I  design  to  be 
pleased.  But,  surrounded  with  forests,  can 
you  believe  that  wood  is  not  to  be  had,  be- 
cause people  cannot  be  found  to  cut  and 
cart  it?  .  .  .  We  have  indeed,  come  into 
a  new  country. 

"The  house  is  made  habitable,  but  there 
is  not  a  single  apartment  finished,  and  all 
within-side,  except  the  plastering,  has  been 
done  since  B.  came.     We  have  not  the  fmm 


218  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

fence,  yard,  or  convenience  without,  and  the 
great  unfinished  audience-room  1  make  a 
drying-room  of,  to  hang  up  the  clothes  in, 
...  If  the  twelve  years,  in  winch  this 
place  has  been  considered  as  the  future  seat 
of  government,  had  been  improved,  as  they 
would  have  been  in  New  England,  very 
many  of  the  present  inconveniences  would 
have  been  removed.  It  is  a  beautiful  spot, 
capable  of  any  improvement,  and  the  more 
I  view  it,  the  more  I  am  deligh^^d  with  it." 

OLD  TIMES  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Mr.  Cooper  thus  describes  a  dinner  at  the 
White  House,  to  which  he  was  invited, 
during  its  occupancy  by  Mr.  Monroe : 

''  On  this  occasion,  we  were  honored  with 
the  presence  of  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  two  or 
three  of  her  female  relatives.  Crossing  the 
hall,  we  were  admitted  to  a  drawing-room, 
in  which  most  of  the  company  were  already 
assembled.  The  hour  was  six.  By  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  guests  were  men,  and 
perhaps  two-thirds  were  members  of  Con- 
gress. .  .  .  There  was  very  great  gravity 
of  mien  in  most  of  the  company,  and  neither 
any  very  marked  exhibition,  nor  any  posi- 
tively striking  want  of  grace  of  manner. 
The  conversation  was  commonplace,  and  a 
Ul;tle  sombre,  though  two  or  three  men  of  the 
world  got  around  the  ladies,  where  the  bat- 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  219 

de  of  words  was  maintained  with  sufficient 
spirit.  ...  To  me  the  entertainment  had 
ratner  a  cold  than  a  formal  air.  When  dinner 
wafe  announced,  the  oldest  Senator  present 
(there  were  two,  and  seniority  of  service  is 
meant)  took  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  led  her  to 
the  table.  The  rest  of  the  party  followed 
without  much  order.  The  President  took  a 
lady,  as  usual,  and  preceded  the  rest  of  the 
guests. 

^'The  drawing-room  was  an  apartment  of 
good  size,  and  of  just  proportions.  It  might 
have  been  about  as  large  as  the  better  sort 
Df  Paris  salon  in  a  private  hotel.  It  was 
iirnished  in  a  mixed  style,  partly  English 
and  partly  French.  ...  It  was  neat, 
sufficiently  rich,  without  being  at  all  mag- 
nificent, and,  on  the  whole,  was  very  much 
like  a  similar  apartment  in  the  house  of  a 
man  of  rank  and  fortune  in  Europe.  The 
dining-room  was  in  a  better  taste  than  is 
common  here,  being  quite  simple,  and  but 
little  furnished.  The  table  was  large  and 
rather  handsome.  The  service  was  in  china, 
as  is  uniformly  the  case,  plate  being  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  if  at  all  used.  There  was, 
however,  a  rich  plateau,  and  a  great  abun- 
dance of  the  smaller  articles  of  table-plate. 
The  cloth,  napkins,  &c.,  &c.,  were  fine  and 
beautifuL 

''The  dinner  was  served  in  the  French 


220  THB   WHITE   HOUSE. 

style,  a  little  Americanized.  The  dishe^ 
were  banded  round,  thougli  some  of  the 
guests,  appearing  to  prefer  their  own  cus- 
toms, coolly  helped  themselves  to  what  they 
found  at  hand.  Of  attendants  there  were  a 
good  many.  They  were  neatly  dressed,  out 
of  liverj^,  and  sufficient.  To  conclude,  the 
whole  entertainment  might  have  passed  for 
a  better  sort  of  European  dinner-party,  at 
which  the  guests  were  too  numerous  for 
general  or  very  agreeable  discourse,  and 
some  of  them  too  new  to  be  entirely  at  their 
ease.  Mrs.  Monroe  arose,  at  the  end  of  the 
dessert,  and  withdrew,  attended  by  two  or 
three  of  the  most  gallant  of  the  company. 
No  sooner  was  his  wife^s  back  turned,  than 
the  President  reseated  himself,  inviting  his 
guests  to  imitate  the  action.  After  allowing 
his  guests  sufficient  time  to  renew,  in  a  few 
glasses,  the  recollections  of  similar  enjoy  - 
ments  of  their  own,  he  arose  himself,  giving 
the  hint  to  his  company,  that  it  was  time  to 
rejoin  the  ladies.  In  the  drawing-room, 
coffee  was  served,  and  everybody  left  the 
house  before  nine.^' 

AN  OLD-TIME  LEVEE. 

*^0n  the  succeeding  Wednesday  Mrs 
Monroe  opened  her  doors  to  all  the  world. 
No  invitation  was  necessary,  it  being  the 
usage  for  the  wife  of  the  President  to  receivr 


THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  221 

company  once  a  fortnight  during  the  session, 
without  distinction  of  persons. 

*'We  reached  the  White  House  at  nine. 
The  court  (or  rather  the  grounds)  was  filled 
with  carriages,  and  the  company  was  arriv- 
ing in  great  numbers.  On  this  occasion  tw^o 
or  three  additional  drawing-rooms  were 
opened,  though  the  frugality  of  Congress  has 
prevented  them  from  finishing  the  principal 
reception-room  of  the  building.  1  will  ac- 
knowledge the  same  sort  of  surprise  I  felt  at 
the  Castle  Garden  fete,  at  finding  the  assem- 
blage so  respectable  in  air,  diess  and  de- 
portment. 

''The  evening  at  the  White  House,  or 
drawing-room,  as  it  is  sometimes  pleasantly 
called,  is,  in  fact,  a  collection  of  all  classes 
of  people,  who  choose  to  go  to  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  appearing  in  dresses  suited 
to  an  ordinary  evening  party.  I  am  not  sure 
that  even  dress  is  much  regarded ;  for  I  cer- 
tainly saw  a  good  many  there  in  boots.  The 
females  were  all  neatly  and  properly  attired, 
though  few  were  ornamented  with  jewelry. 
Of  course,  the  poor  and  laboring  classes  oi 
the  community  would  find  little  or  no  pleas- 
ure in  such  a  scene.  They  consequently  stay 
away.  The  infamous,  if  known,  would  not 
be  admitted ;  for  it  is  a  peculiar  consequence 
of  the  high  tone  of  morals  in  this  country, 
that   grave   and   notorious  oflenders   rarely 


222  THE   WHITE   HObtSE. 

pi\3sume  to  violate  the  public  feeling  by  in- 
vading society.* 

"  Squeezing  through  the  crowd,  we  achieved 
a  passage  to  a  part  of  the  room  where  Mrs. 
Monroe  was  standing,  surrounded  by  a  bevy 
of  female  friends.  After  making  our  bow 
here,  we  sought  the  President.  The  latter 
had  posted  himself  at  the  top  of  the  room, 
where  he  remained  most  of  the  evening, 
shaking  hands  with  all  who  approached. 
Near  him  stood  all  the  Secretaries  and  a 
great  number  of  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  the  nation.  Individuals  of  importance 
from  all  parts  of  the  Union  were  also  here, 
and  were  employed  in  the  manner  usual  to 
Buch  t^cenes. 

"Tinsides  these,  one  meets  here  a  great 
variety  of  people  in  other  conditions  of  life. 
I  have  known  a  cartman  to  leave  his  b  Drse 
in  the  street,  and  go  into  the  reception-room 
to  shake  hands  with  the  President.  He 
offended  the  good  taste  of  all  present,  be- 
cause it  was  not  thought  decent  that  a 
laborer  should  come  in  a  dirty  dress  on  such 
an  occasion;  but  while  he  made  a  trifling 
mistake  in  this  particular,  he  proved  how 
well  he  understood  the  difference  between 
government  and  society.  He  knew  the  levee 
was  a  sort  of  homage  paid  to  political  equal- 
ity in  the  person  of  the  first  magistrate,  but 

*  This  was  ov-^r  sixty  years  Ago.— AtUhor, 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  223 

he  would  not  have  presumed  to  enter  the 
house  of  the  same  person  as  a  private  indi- 
vidual, without  being  invited,  or  without  a 
reasonable  excuse  in  the  w^ay  of  business. 

*' There  are,  no  doubt,  individuals  who  mis- 
take the  character  of  these  assemblies,  but 
the  great  majority  do  not.  They  are  a  sim- 
ple, periodical  acknowledgment  that  there  is 
uo  legal  barrier  to  the  advancement  of  any 
one  to  the  first  association  in  the  Union. 
Tou  perceive,  there  are  no  masters  of  cere- 
monies, no  ushers,  no  announcings,  nor,  in- 
deed, any  let  or  hindrance  to  the  ingress  of 
all  who  please  to  corae ;  and  yet  how  few,  in 
comparison  to  the  whole  number  who  might 
enter,  do  actually  appear.  If  there  is  any 
man  in  Washington  so  dull  as  to  suppose 
equality  means  a  right  to  thrust  himself  into 
any  company  he  pleases,  it  is  probable  he 
satisfies  himself  by  boasting  that  he  can  go 
to  the  White  House  once  a  fortnight,  as  well 
as  a  governor  or  anybody  else." 

ETIQUETTE. 

The  social  observances  of  the  White  House 
are  prescribed  with  the  utmost  exactness. 
At  the  commencement  of  Washington's  ad- 
ministration, the  question  of  how  to  regulate 
such  matters  was  discussed  with  great  eap^- 
estness.  It  w^as  agreed  that  the  exchisivv, 
rules  by  which  European  conrtm  were  g^oy- 

29 


224  THE   WHITE   H008E. 

erned  would  not  entirely  suit  the  new  Re« 
public,  as  there  weie  no  titled  personages  in 
America,  and  as  the  society  of  our  country 
was  organized  on  a  professed  basis  of  equal- 
ity. Washington  caused  the  following  arti- 
cles to  be  drawn  up : 

''In  order  to  bring  the  members  of  society 
together  in  the  first  instance,  the  custom  of 
the  country  has  established  that  residents 
shall  pay  the  first  visit  to  strangers,  and, 
among  strangers,  first  comers  to  later  comers, 
foreign  and  domestic ;  the  character  of  stran- 
ger ceasing  after  the  first  visit.  To  this  rule 
there  is  a  single  exception.  Foreign  minis- 
ters, from  the  necessity  of  making  them- 
selves known,  pay  the  first  visit  to  the 
[cabinet]  ministers  of  the  nation,  which  is 
returned. 

''When  brought  together  in  society,  all  are 
perfectly  equal,  whether  foreign  or  domestic, 
titled  or  untitled,  in  or  out  of  ofiice. 

"All  other  observances  are  but  exempli- 
Ications  of  these  two  principles. 

"The  families  of  foreign  ministers,  arriving 
jit  the  seat  of  government,  receive  the  first 
visit  from  those  of  the  national  ministers,  as 
from  all  other  residents. 

"Members  of  the  legislature  and  of  the 
judiciary,  independent  of  their  offices,  have 
a  right,  as  strangers,  to  receive  the  first 
visit. 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  225 

"No  title  being  admitted  here,  those  of 
foreigners  give  no  precedence. 

*' Diflferences  of  grade  among  the  diplo- 
matic members  give  no  precedence. 

"  At  public  ceremonies  to  which  the  gov- 
ernment invites  the  presence  of  foreign  min- 
isters and  their  families,  a  convenient  seat 
or  station  will  be  provided  for  them,  with 
any  other  strangers  invited,  and  the  families 
of  the  national  ministers,  each  taking  place 
as  they  arrive,  and  without  any  precedence. 

"  To  maintain  the  principle  of  equality,  or 
of  peh  mele,  and  prevent  the  growth  of  pre 
cadence  out  of  courtesy,  the  members  of  the 
executive  will  practise  at  their  own  houses 
and  recommend  an  adherence  to  the  ancien^ 
usage  of  the  country,  of  gentlemen  in  mass 
giving  precedence  to  the  ladies  in  mass,  in 
passing  from  one  apartment  where  they  are 
assembled  into  another.'^ 

These  rules  were  too  arbitrary  and  exact- 
ing to  give  satisfaction,  and  society  was  not 
disposed  to  acknowledge  so  genuine  an 
equality  amongst  its  members.  For  some 
years,  disputes  and  quarrels  were  frequent 
and  bitter.  In  the  wir^^.r  of  1819,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  then  Se  -  iry  of  State,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Daniei  O.  Tompkins,  the 
Vice-President,  stating  that  he  had  been 
informed  that  the  members  of  the  Senate 
had  agreed  amongst  themseWeR  to  pav  no 


226  ^HE   WHITE  HotrsE. 

tirst  v^isits  to  any  person  except  tlie  I'lm- 
ident  of  the  United  States.  He  declaied 
that  he  repudiated  the  claim  on  the  part  o^ 
the  Senators,  and  that  he  would  pay  no  first 
calls  himself  as  being  due  from  him  or  his 
family.  Mr.  Adams  was  severely  criticised 
for  his  aristocratic  views,  and  the  contro- 
versy went  on  as  warmly  as  before.  The 
result,  a  few  years  later,  was,  that  all 
parties  interested  agreed  upon  a  code,  which 
is  now  in  force,  and  which  may  be  stated  as 
follows,  as  far  as  the  White  House  is  con- 
cerned : 

THE  CODE. 

The  title  of  the  Executive  is  Mr,  Pres- 
ident It  is  not  proper  to  address  him  in 
conversation  as  Your  Excellency, 

The  President  receives  calls  upon  matters 
of  business  at  any  hour,  if  he  is  unengaged. 
He  prefers  that  such  visits  should  be  made 
in  the  morning.  Stated  times  are  appointed 
for  receiving  persons  who  wish  to  pay  their 
respects  to  him.  One  morning  and  one 
evening  in  each  week  are  usually  set  apart 
for  this  purpose. 

During  the  winter  season,  a  public  recep- 
tion, or  levee,  is  held  once  a  week,  at  which 
guests  are  expected  to  appear  in  full  dress. 
They  are  presented  by  the  Usher  on  such 
occasions,  and  have  the   honor  of  shaking 


THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  227 

hands  with  the  President,    These  receptions 
last  from  eight  until  ten  o^  clock. 

On  the  1st  of  January  of  each  year,  the 
President  holds  a  public  reception,  at  which 
the  Foreign  Ministers  present  in  the  city 
appear  in  full  court  dress,  and  the  officers 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  in  full  uniform.  The 
Heads  of  Departments,  Governors  of  States, 
and  Members  of  Congress  are  received  first, 
then  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  then  the  officers 
of  the  Arm)'  and  Navy,  and  then  the  doors 
are  thrown  open  to  the  public  generally  for 
the  space  of  two  hours. 

The  President,  as  such,  must  not  be  in- 
vited to  dinner  by  any  one,  and  accepts  no 
such  invitations,  and  pays  no  calls  or  visits 
of  ceremony.  He  may  visit  in  his  private 
capacity,  however,  at  pleasure. 

An  invitation  to  dine  at  the  White  House 
takes  precedence  of  all  others,  and  a  pre 
vious  engagement  must  not  be  pleaded  as 
an  excuse  for  declining  it.     Such  an  invita- 
tion must  be  promptly  accepted  in  writing. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  RECEPTIONS. 

The  levees  held  by  the  President  differ  in 
nothing  from  those  of  Mr.  Monroe^  s  time, 
described  a  few  pages  back,  except  that  the 
East  Room  is  now  finished,  and  the  whole 
magnificent  suite  of  apartments  is  used. 
The  elite  of  the  land  are  present,  but  the 


228  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

mfcmious  are  also  there  in  the  persons  of 
tliose  who  live  by  plundering  the  public 
treasury. 

The  President  stands  in  one  of  the  smaller 
parlors,  generally  in  the  Red  or  Blue  Room. 
He  is  surrounded  by  his  Cabinet,  and  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  the  land.  Near 
him  stands  his  wife,  daughter,  or  some 
irelative  representing  the  mistress  of  the 
mansion.  Visitors  enter  from  the  hall,  and 
are  presented  to  the  President  by  the  Usher, 
who  first  asks  their  names,  residences,  and 
avocations.  The  President  shakes  each  one 
by  the  hand  cordially,  utters  a  few  pleasant 
words  in  reply  to  the  greeting  of  his  guest, 
and  the  visitor  passes  on  into  the  next  room, 
to  make  way  for  those  behind  him.  Eefoi-e 
doing  so,  however,  he  is  presented  to  the 
lady  of  the  house,  to  whom  he  pays  his  re- 
spects also.  This  regular^  routine  goes  on 
for  the  space  of  two  hours,  when  it  is 
brought  to  an  end,  the  President  devoutly 
thanking  Heaven  that  it  does  not  last  aJl 
night. 

These  levees  are  no  doubt  very  interesting 
to  the  guests,  but  they  are  the  bugbears  of 
the  Presiaent  and  his  family.  The  former  is 
obliged  by  custom  to  shake  hands  with 
every  man  presented  to  him,  and  when  the 
levee  is  over,  his  right  hand  is  often  bruised 
and  swollen.     It  is   said  that  some  of  the 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  229 

Presidents  have  sufl'ered  severely  fi\)m  this 
species  of  torture,  and  that  General  Har- 
rison's death  was  to  some  degree  hastened 
by  it. 

President  Arthur  being  a  widower,  and 
having  no  grown-up  daughter,  his  sister, 
Mrs.  McEh'oy,  acted  as  lady  of  the  White 
House,  and  her  amiable  way  of  making 
everybody  at  home,  even  at  the  recepuions 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  distinguished 
foreigners,  will  be  gratefully  remembered 
by  all  who  have  been  honored  by  an  invi- 
tation. 

The  semi-annual  receptions  of  the  Pres- 
ident— New  Tear's  Day  and  the  Fourth  of 
July — are  brilliant  affairs.  At  a  little  before 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  Executive  Mansion  are 
thronged  with  the  spendid  equipages  of  the 
various  Cabinet  officers  and  Foreign  Minis- 
ters. The  entrance  at  such  times  is  by  the 
main  door,  and  the  exit  through  one  of  the 
large  north  windows  of  the  East  Room,  in 
front  of  which  a  temporary  platform  is 
erected.  The  customs  upon  such  occasions 
vary  slightly  with  each  administration.  In 
the  description  given  here,  the  order  ob- 
served at  the  reception  of  the  President, 
January  1,  1884,  is  followed. 

The  East  Room  and  the  other  parlors  are 
handsomely    decorated     wi^h    flowen^    and 


230  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

other  ornaments,  the  full  Marine  Baia  is 
in  attendvanee  to  furnish  music  for  the 
promenaders  in  the  East  Eoom,  and  a 
strong  police  force  is  present  to  preserve 
order  when  the  people  are  admitted  en 
masse. 

At  a  few  minutes  before  eleven  o'clock, 
the  President  and  the  ladies  of  the  Whitf 
House,  in  full  dress,  take  their  places  in 
the  Blue  Eoom,  the  President  standing  neai 
the  door  leading  into  the  Red  Room,  and 
the  ladies  in  the  centre  of  the  Blue  Room. 
The  President  is  attended  by  either  the 
Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  or  the 
Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  present  the  guests  to  him.  A 
gentleman  is  also  appointed  to  attend  the 
ladies  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  the 
guests  to  them. 

Precisely  at  eleven  o^clock  the  doors  are 
thrown  open,  and  the  reception  begins.  The 
Cabinet  Ministers  and  their  families  are  ad 
mitted  first,  and  after  they  have  passed  on 
into  the  East  Room,  through  the  Green  Par- 
lor, the  Secretary  of  State  remains  and  pre- 
sents the  Foreign  Ministers  and  their  fami- 
lies. They  are  followed  by  the  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  their  families.  Then 
come  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  and  their  families.  The  next  in 
order  are  the  officers  of  the  Army,  then  the 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  231 

officers  of  the  Navy  and  Marine  Corps,  in 
full  uniform,  and  then  the  officials  of  the 
District  of  Columbia.  These  personages 
generally  occupy  the  first  hour.  The  doors 
are  then  opened  to  the  public,  and  the  next 
two  hours  are  devoted  to  receiving  them. 
Several  thousand  persons  are  presented 
during  this  period.  They  say  a  few  pleas- 
ant words  to  the  President,  receive  a  brief 
reply,  and  pass  on. 

The  promenaders  in  tlie  East  Koom  often 
linger  in  that  apartment  during  the  whole 
reception.  The  scene  is  brilliant,  the  toi- 
lettes are  magnificent,  the  uniforms  and  court 
dresses  attractive,  and  the  music  fine.  At  a 
little  after  two  o'clock  the  parlors  are  de- 
serted, and  the  gay  throng  has  sought  other 
attractions. 

Besides  these  public  levees,  the  ladies  of 
the  White  House  hold  receptions  at  stated 
periods,  to  which  invitations  are  regularly 
issued.  The  President  sometimes  appears 
upon  these  occasions,  but  is  under  no  obli- 
gation to  do  so. 

During  the  first  two  years  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  Mr.  Lincohi,  he  always  selected  a 
lady  to  join  the  promenade  with  him  at  tiijs 
evening  receptions,  thus  leaving  his  wife  free 
to  choose  an  escort  from  the  distinguished 
tlirong  whicli  always  surrounded  her  on  such 
uccasionr.     This  custom  did  not  please  Mrs 


232  THE   WHITE    HOUSE. 

Lincoln,  who  resolved  to  put  a  stop  to  it 
She  declared  the  practice  absurd.  "On  such 
occasions,"  said  she,  ''our  guests  recognize 
the  position  of  the  President  as  first  of  all ; 
consequently  he  takes  the  lead  in  every- 
thing ;  well,  now,  if  they  recognize  his  posi- 
tion, they  should  also  recognize  mine.  1  am 
his  wife,  and  should  lead  with  him.  And 
yet  he  offers  his  arm  to  any  other  lady  in  the 
room,  making  her  first  with  him,  and  placing 
me  second.  The  custom  is  an  absurd  one, 
and  I  mean  to  abolish  it.  The  dignity  that 
I  owe  to  my  position,  as  Mrs.  President,  de- 
mands that  I  should  not  hesitate  any  longer 
to  act." 

The  spirited  lady  kept  her  word.  Ever 
after  this,  she  either  led  the  promenade  witk 
the  President,  or  that  dignitary  walked  alone 
or  in  company  with  some  gentleman. 

It  has  long  been  the  custom  for  the  Presi* 
dent  to  give  a  series  of  State  dinners  during 
the  session  of  Congress,  to  which  the  various 
members  of  that  body,  the  higher  Govern- 
ment officials,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  are 
invited.  In  order  to  be  able  to  entertain 
each  one  of  these  celebrities  it  is  necessary 
to  give  about  two  dinners  per  week.  The 
custom  was  not  much  observed  during  Mr. 
Lincoln's  administration,  though  it  has  been 
revived  by  his  successor. 


THE    WHITE   HOUSE.  233 

IMPERTINENT  GKOSSIP. 

The  President  and  his  famil}  are  much 
annoyed  by  the  impertinent  cunosity  of 
which  they  are  the  objects.  There  are  ''coree 
of  persons  in  Washington,  some  of  whom  Are 
doubtless  well-meaning  people,  who  aie  so 
ignorant  of  the  common  decencies  of  society, 
as  to  seek  to  lay  bare  before  the  public  every 
incident  of  the  private  life  of  the  family  at 
the  White  House.  The  whole  city  rings  with 
gossip  upon  this  topic,  much  of  which  finds 
its  way  into  the  columns  of  the  newspaper 
press  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  to  the 
great  annoyance  of  its  victims.  There  are 
people  who  can  tell  you  how  the  President 
gets  out  of  bed  in  the  morning,  how  he 
dresses,  breakfasts,  picks  his  teeth,  what  he 
talks  about  in  the  privacy  of  his  family,  and 
a  thousand  and  one  other  such  private  de- 
tails, until  you  turn  from  your  informant 
with  the  most  intense  disgust.  It  is  said 
that  much  of  this  comes  from  the  servants 
employed  in  the  Executive  Mansion,  who 
seem  to  thhik  it  adds  to  their  importance  to 
retail  such  scandal.  Every  year  this  goes 
on,  and  every  new  occupant  of  the  WT;ite 
House  is  subjected  to  such  peise^utioi>. 


Appendix  B, 


FiGfJRES  are  said  to  be  dry,  but  figures  some- 
times have  a  large  meaning.  They  are  the  skele- 
ton, and  no  body  would  be  good  for  much  without 
the  skeleton.  It  is  all  a  question  of  figures  as  to 
whether  a  man  is  a  millionaire  or  a  pauper,  whether 
he  is  elected  to  the  highest  ofiice  in  the  gift  of  the 
people  or  suffers  inglorious  defeat.  Figures  are 
mighty ;  they  tell  thrilling  tales ;  they  rule  the 
world. 

The  next  morning  after  an  exciting  election 
every  one  wishes  to  know  what  figures  have  to  say. 
The  following  pages  will  be  no  less  interesting  as 
records  of  history.  You  will  find  it  j^rofi table  to 
study  the  contests  of  party  and  the  results  of  the 
great  campaigns  as  expressed  in  these  tables.  They 
present  the  cold,  hard  facts ;  they  have  the  force 
that  always  goes  with  statistics.  The  reader  will 
see  that  the  two  great  political  parties  are  very 
evenly  matched ;  neither  has  an  overwhelming 
advantage   over    the   other    in  the   popular  vote. 

235 


236 


populak  vote  for  president. 


1860. 


Alabama, 

Arkansas, 

California, 

Colorado, 

Connecticut, 

Delaware, 

Florida, 

Georgia, 

Illinois, 

Indiana, 

Iowa, 

Kansas, 

Kentucky, 

Louisiana, 

Maine, 

Maryland, 

Massachusetts, 

Michigan, 

Minnesota, 

Mississippi, 

Missouri, 

Nebraska, 

Nevada, 

New  Hampshire, 

New  Jersey, 

New  York, 

North  Carolina, 

Ohio, 

Oregon, 

Pennsylvania, 

Khode  Island, 

South  Carolina, 

Tennessee, 

Texas, 

Vermont, 

Virginia, 

West  Virginia, 

Wisconsin, 

Totak, 


lincolu, 

Douglas, 

Breckinridge, 

Bell, 

B. 

D. 

T). 

U. 

•  •  I  •  e. 

13651 

48831 

27875 

5227 

23732 

20094 

39173 

38516 

34334 

6817 

43792 

15522 

14641 

3291 

3815 

1023 

7337 

3864 

367 

8543 

5437 



11590 

51889 

42886 

172161 

160215 

2404 

4913 

139033 

115509 

12295 

5306 

70409 

55111 

1048 

1763 

1364 

25651 

53143 

66058 

7625 

22681 

20204 

62811 

26693 

6368 

2046 

2294 

5966 

42482 

41760 

106533 

34372 

5939 

22331 

88480 

65057 

805 

405 

22069 

11920 

748 

6i 

3283 

40797 

25040 

17028 

58081 
5801 

31317 

58372 

37519 

22811 

2212 

441 

58324 

62500 

362646 

312731 



48539 

44990 

231610 

18822 

11403 

12194 

5270 

3951 

5006 

183 

268030 

16765 

178871 

12776 

12244 

7707 

••••  • 

Electors  chosen  by 

Legislature. 

11350 

64709 

69274 

47548 

15438 

33808 

6849 

218 

1969 

1929 

16290 

74323 

74681 

86110 

65021 

"888 

161 

1866452 

1375157 

847953 

590631 

POPULAR  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


237 


1864. 


1^68. 


states. 

A-labama, 

ArkansaSj 

California, 

Colorado, 

Connecticut, 

Delaware, 

Florida, 

Georgia, 

Illinois, 

Indiana, 

Iowa, 

Kansas, 

Kentucky, 

Louisiana, 

Maine, 

Maryland, 

Massachusetts, 

Michigan, 

Minnesota, 

Mississippi, 

Missouri, 

Nebraska, 

Nevada, 

New  Hampshire, 

New  Jersey, 

New  York, 

North  Carolina, 

Ohio, 

Oregon, 

Pennsylvania, 

Rhode  Island, 

South  Carolina, 

Tennessee, 

Texas, 

Vermont, 

firginia. 

West  Virginia, 

Wisconsin, 

Totals, 


LincolD, 

McClellan, 

Grant, 

Seymour, 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

76366 

72086 



22152 

10078 

62134 

43841 

54592 

54078 

44691 

42285 

50996 

47951 

8155 

8767 

7623 

10980 

57134 

102822 

189996 

158730 

256293 

199143 

150422 

130233 

176552 

166980 

89075 

40596 

120399 

74040 

16441 

3691 

31047 

14019 

27786 

64301 

39569 

115889 



33263 

80225 

6814 

46992 

70426 

42396 

40153 

32739 

30438 

62357 

126742 

4874( 

136477 

f.9408 

91521 

74604 

128550 

97009 

21060 

17375 

43542 

28072 

72750 

31678 

85671 

59788 

9729 

5439 

9826 

6594 

6480 

5218 

36400 

32871 

38191 

31224 

60723 

68024 

80121 

83001 

368732 

361986 

410883 

429883 

96226 

84090 

265154 

205568 

280128 

237800 

9888 

8457 

10961 

11125 

296391 

276316 

342280 

313382 

14349 

8718 

12903 

6548 

62301 

45237 

56757 

26311 

42419 

13321 

44167 

12045 

23152 

10438 

29025 

20306 

83458 

65884 

108857 

84710 

2223035      811754  3013188    i>70360G 


!38 


FOPULAR    rOTE    FOR    PRESIDEN'D. 


*1876. 


tl880. 


Hayes,    Tilden      Garfield  Hancock  Weaver, 

Dow, 

States. 

R.            D.             R.            D. 

G. 

P. 

AlaJbama, 

68,708  102,989     56,221     91,185 

4,642 

Arkansas, 

38,669     58,071     42,436     60,775 

4,079 

California, 

79,279     76,468     80,348     80.426 

3,392 

Colorado, 

By  Legislature.     27,450    24,647 

1,435 

Connecticut, 

59,034    61,934     67,071     64,415 

868 

*46^ 

Delaware, 

10,752     13,381     14,133     15,275 

120 

Florida, 

23,849     22,927     23,654     27,964 

Georgia, 
Illinois, 

60.446  130,088     54,086  102,470 

"'969 

278;222  258,601  318,037  277,321 

26,358 

' ' '443 

Indiana, 

208,011  213,526  232,164  225,522 

12,986 

Iowa, 

171,326  112,121   183,927   105.845 

32,701 

""592 

Kansas, 

78,322     37,902  121,549     59,801 

19,851 

25 

Kentucky, 

97,156  159,696  106,306  149,068 

11,499 

258 

Louisiana, 

75,315     70,508     38,637     65,067 

439 

Maine, 

66,300    49,917     74,039    65,171 

4,408 

'*'*93 

Maryland, 

71,981     91,780     78,515     93,706 

818 

Massachusetcte, 

150,063  108,777  165,205  111,960 

4,548 

"'682 

Michigan, 

166,534  141,095  185,341  131,597 

34,895 

942 

Minnesota, 

72,962     48,799     93,903     53,315 

3,267 

286 

Mississippi, 

52,605  112,173     34,854    75,750 

5,797 

Missouri, 

145,029  203,077  153,567  208,609 

35,135 

Nebraska, 

31,916     17,554     54,979    28,523 

3,950 

Nevada, 

10,383      9,308      8,732      9,613 

. . . ,  •< 

New  Hampshire  41,539     38,509    44,852    40,794 

'"528 

18(^ 

New  Jersey, 

103,517  115,962  120,555  122,565 

2,617 

19L 

New  York, 

489,207  521,949  555,544  534,511 

12,373 

1,517 

North  Carolina 

,  108,417  125,427  115,874  124,208 

1,126 

Ohio, 

330,698  323,182  375,048  340,821 

6,456 

"2*618 

Oregon, 

15,206     14,149     20,619     19,948 

249 

Pennsylvania, 

384,184  366,204  444,704  407,428 

20,668 

*  1*939 

Rhode  Island, 

15,787     10,712     18,195     10,779 

236 

20 

South  Carolina, 

91,870    90,896     58,071  112,312 

566 

Tennessee, 

89,566  133,166  107,677  128.191 

5,917 

""43 

Texas, 

44,803  104,803     57,893  156;428 

27,405 

.  .    .  ..  0  e 

Vermont, 

44,428    20,350    45.567     18,316 

1,215 

Virginia, 

95,558  139,670    84,020  128,586 

West  Virginia, 

42,046     56,495     46,243     57,391 

*  '9',079 

.  .    .  .  0 

Wisconsin, 

130,070  123,926  144,400  114,649 
4,033,768  4,285,992  4,454,416  4,444,952 

7,986 
308,578 

69 

Total, 

10,305 

Maj.  over  all. 

145,911    |9,464 

•1876 — Greenback,  81,737;  Prohibition,  9,522;  American,  539 ;  imper- 
feet  and  scattering,  14,715.  f  1880— Greenback,  308,578;  Prohibition, 
10,305 ;  American,  707  ;  imperfec-t  and  scattering,  989.  J  Plurality.  All 
over  Garfield,  311,115.. 


POPULAR  votp:  for  president. 


239 


■1884. 


?itates. 
Alabama, 
Arkansas, 
California, 
Colorado, 
Connecticut, 
Delaware, 
Florida, 
Georgia, 
Illinois, 
Indiana, 
Iowa, 
Kansas, 
Kentucky, 
Louisiana, 
Maine, 
Maryland, 
Massachusetts, 
Michigan, 
Minnesota, 
Mississippi, 
Missouri, 
Nebraska, 
Nevada, 

New  Hampshire, 
New  Jersey, 
New  York, 
North  Carolina, 
Ohio, 
Oregon, 
Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island, 
South  Carolina, 
Tennessee, 
Texas, 
Vermont, 
Virginia, 
West  Virginia, 
Wisconsin, 

Total, 
Plurality, 


Blaine, 
R. 

59,591 

50,895 

102,416 

36,290 

65,923 

12,951 

28,031 

48,603 

337,474 

238,463 

197,089 

154,406 

118,122 

46,347 

72,209 

85,699 

146,724 

192,669 

111,923 

43,509 

202,929 

76,912 

7,193 

43,249 

123,440 

562,005 

125,068 

400,082 

26,860 

473,804 

19,030 

21,733 

124,078 

93,141 

39,514 

139,356 

63,096 

161,157 

4,851,981 
23,005 


Cleveland, 

D. 

93,951 

72,927 

89,288 

27,723 

67,199 

16,964 

31,766 

94,667 

312,355 

244,990 

177,316 

90,132 

152,961 

62,540 

52  140 

96,932 

122,481 

149,835 

70,144 

76,510 

235,988 

54,391 

5,578 

39,183 

127,798 

563,154 

142,952 

368,280 

24,604 

392,785 

12,391 

69,890 

133,258 

225,309 

17,331 

145,497 

67,317 

146,459 


Butler, 
G. 

873 
1,847 
2,017 
1,958 
1,688 
6 

"145 

10,910 

8,293 

16,341 
1,691 

3*953 

531 

24,433 

i2,243 

3,583 


St  John, 
P. 
612 


26 

552 

3,496 

16,994 

5*179 

726 

16,992 

422 


957 
3,321 

785 

"sio 

4,598 


2,920 

761 

2,305 

55 

72 

195 

12,074 

3,028 

1,472 

4,495 

3,139 


2,160 

2,794 

10,026 

18,403 

4,684 

'2*153 

2,899 

1,571 

6,159 

25,016 

454 

11,069 

492 

15,283 

92§ 


1,131 
3,534 
1,752 
138 
939 
7,656 


4,874,986         175,370  150,369 


*  1884 — Blank,  defective  and  scattering,  14,904.  In  consequence  of  the 
uncertainties  in  the  count  resulting  from  the  "  fusions"  formed,  the  plu- 
rality shown  for  Cleveland  must  be  considered  an  approximation  to  the 
actual  result — ^not  a  definite  result.     All,  over  Cleveland,  317,638, 


240 


POPULAR    VOTE    FOR    PRESIDENT. 


1888* 


States. 


Clevefancl. 
Dem. 


Streetet. 
U.  Labor. 


Alabama.... 117,320 

Arkansas 85,962 

California 117,729 

Colorado 37,567 

Connecticut 74,920 

Delaware 16,414 

Florida 39,561 

Georgia 100,499 

Illinois 348,278 

Indiana 261,013 

Iowa 179,887 

Kansas 103,744 

Kentucky 183,800 

Louisiana 85,032 

Maine 50,481 

Maryland 106,168 

Massachusetts 151,855 

Michigan 213,459 

Minnesota 104,385 

Mississippi 85,471 

Missouri 261,974 

Nebraska 80,552 

Nevada 5,362 

New  Hampshire..     43,456 

New  Jersey 151,493 

New  York 635,757 

North  Carolina....  147,902 

Ohio 396,455 

Oregon 26,522 

Pennsylvania 446,633 

Rhode  Island 17,530 

South  Carolina....     65,825 

Tennessee 158,779 

Texas 534,883 

Vermont 16,788 

Virginia 151,977 

West  Virginia 79,664 

Wisconsin 155,232 


Harrison.  Fisk. 

Rep.  Pro. 

56,197  583 

58.752  641    10,613 

124,816    5,761     

50,774  2,191    1,266 

74,584  4,234     240 

12,973  400 

26,657     423     

40,496  1,808      136 

370,473  21,695    7,090 

263,361  9,881    2,694 

21 1,598  3,550    9,105 

182,934  6,768    37,726 

155,134  5,225      622 

30,484  16;      39 

73,734  2,691    1,34^ 

99,986    4,767     

183,892  8,701 

236,370  20,942    4,542 

142,492  15,311    1,094 

30,096  218      22 

236,257  4,^;39        18,632 

108,425  9,429 

7,229  41 

45,728  1,593 

144,344  7,904 

648,759  30,231 

134;784  2,787 

416,054  24,356 

33,291  1,677 

526,091  20,947 

21,968  1,250 

13,736 

138,988  5,969 

88,422  4,749 

45,192  1,460 

150,438  1,678 

77,791  669 

176,553  14,277 


4,226 
"13 


626 

32 

3,496 

363 

3,873 

18 


48 
29,43i 


1,064 

8,552 


Total 5,540,329     5,439,853     249,506       146,935 

Cleveland's  majority  on  po})ular  vote  over  Harrison  was 
luu,4'i6.     Electoral  vote:  Harriso^^  "^33;  Cleveland,  168. 


POPULAR   VOTE    FOR    PRESIDENT. 


241 


1892. 

Harrison.  Cleveland.        Bidwell.  We 

States.  Rep.  Dem.  Pro.  Peo. 

Alabama 9,197  138,138  239  85,181 

Arkansas 46,974  87,752  113  11,831 

California 117,618  117,908  8,187  25,226 

Colorado 38,620          1,687  53,584 

Connecticut 77,032  82,395  4,026  809 

Delaware 18,077  18,581  564        

Florida 30,143  570  4,843 

Georgia 48,305  129,386  988  42,939 

Idaho 8,799          219  10,430 

Illinois 399,288  426,281  25,870  22,207 

Indiana 255,615  262,740  13,044  22,198 

Iowa 219,373  196,408  6,322  20,616 

Kansas 157,241          4,553  163,111 

Kentucky. 135,420  175,424  0,385  23,503 

Louisiana 25,332  87,922      1,232 

Maine 62,878  48,024  3,062  2,045 

Maryland 92,736  113,866  5,877  796 

Massachusetts 202,814  176,813  7,539  3,210 

Michigan 222,708  202,296  20,569  19,79^ 

Minnesota 122,736  100,579  14,017  30,398 

Mississippi 1,406  40,237  910  10,256 

Missouri 226,762  268,628  4,298  41,183 

Montana 18,833  17,534  517  7,259 

Nebraska 87,218  24,943  4,902  83,134 

Nevada 2,822  711  85  7,267 

New  Hampshire 45,658  42,081  1,297  293 

New  Jersey 156,080  171,066  8,134  9S5 

New  York 609,459  654,908  38,193  16,430 

North  Carolina 100,346  132,951  2,636  44,732 

North  Dakota 17,486  17,650 

Ohio 405,187  404,115  26,012  14,852 

Oregon 35,002  14,243  2,281  26,965 

Pennsylvania 516,011  452,264  25,123  8,714 

Rhode  Island 27,069  24,335  1,565  227 

South  Carolina 13,384  54,698      2,410 

South  Dakota 34,888  9,081      26,512 

Tennessee 99,973  136,477  4,856  23,622 

Texas 81,444  239,148  2,165  99,638 

Vermont 37,992  16,325  1,424  43 

Virginia 113,256  163,977  2,798  12,274 

Washington 36,470  29,844  2,553  19,105 

West  Virginia 80,285  83,484  2,130  4,165 

Wisconsin 170,761  177,436  13,132  9,909 

Wyoming 8,376          526  526 

Total 5,186,931  5,553,142     268,361    1,030,128 

Percent 42.93  45.96  2.22  8.52 

Total  vote,  12,081,316.     Cleveland's  majority  on  popular  vote  over 
Uarrisou  waa  366,211.     All  over  Cleveland,  932,278. 


242 


POPULAR  TOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


1896. 

States.  McKinley.  Bryan.  Palmer.  Levering 

Alabama 54,737  131,219  6,464  2,147 

Arkansas 37,512  110,103  893  889 

California 146,588  144,166      2,573 

Colorado 26,271  161,269      1,717 

Connecticut 110,297  56,740  4,336  \806 

Delaware 20,452  16,615  956  602 

Florida 11,389  32,213  1,778  868 

Georgia 20,191  94,232  2,708      

Idaho 6,324  23,192      181 

Illinois 607,130  466,703  6,390  9.796 

Indiana 323,719  305.771  2,146  3,056 

Iowa 289,293  223,741  4,519  3,192 

Kansas 158,541  171,810  1,209  2,351 

Kentucky 218,171  217,890  5,114  4,781 

Louisiana 22,012  77,096  1,810  ......... 

Maine 80,421  34,504  1.864  1,571 

Marvland 136,978  104,745  2,507  5,928 

Ma-^cnusetts 279,976  105,711  11,749  2,998 

Michigan 293,327  237,251  6.;.'30  4,9G8 

Minnesota 193,501  139,626  3,202  4  34i' 

Mississippi 4.730  63,457  1,021  3!)0 

Missouri 804,940  363,652  2,355  3,16^ 

Montana 10,490  43,680  

Nebraska 101,064  115,999  2,797  l,19t 

Nevada 1,939  8,377  

New  Hampshire 57,444  21,650  3,420  776 

New  Jersey 221,367  113,675  6,373  5,614 

New  York 819,838  551.513  18,972  16,(.75 

Nor  h  Carolina 155,222  174,488  578  635 

Noith  Dakota 26,336  20,689      356 

Ohi... 527,945  478,547  1,831  5.060 

Oregnn 48,711  46,739  974  789 

Peunsylvauia 728,300  427,127  11,000  19,274 

Rhode  Island 37,437  14,495  1,166  1.160 

South  Carolina............ 9,313  58,101  824      

South  Dakota 40,802  40,930      992 

Tennessee 148,773  168,176  1,95'  3.093 

Texas 164,886  368,299  5,030  185 

Utah 13,861  67,053  

Vermont 50,991  10,607  1,329  728 

Virginia 135,388  154,985  2,127  2,341 

Washington 39,153  51,646  1,668  968 

West  Virginia 104,414  92,927  677  1,203 

Wisconsin 269,135  165,528  4,584  7,509 

Wyoming 10,072  10,855      159 

Total 7,107,980  6,509,056  132,056  127.174 

McKinley's  plurality,  598,924.     The  vote  for  Bryan  and  Sewall 
and  that  for  Bryan  ;aid  Watson  are  combined. 


Appendix  D. 


THE   PRESIDENTS  AND   THEIR 
CABINETS. 

The  Postmaster-General  was  not  recognized  as  a 
cabinet  officer  until  1829.  Tliose  preceding  thies 
date  are,  however,  included  in  the  cabinets  to  show 
when  they  were  appointed. 

First  Administration-—  Washington,  1 7  S9- 1/93. 

President,  George  Wasshington,  of  Virginia;  Vice* 
President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Secre 
tary  of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia  ;  Seci-e 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  Alex.  Hamilton,  of  New  York 
Secretary  of  War.  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts 
Attorney-General,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia; 
Postmaster  General,  Timothy  Pickering  of  Mass- 
achusetts. 

Second  Administration — Washington,  1793- 1797. 

President,  George  Washington,  of  Virginia;  Vice^^ 
President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  to 
January,  1794,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to 
December,  1795,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massa- 
chusetts;   Secretary   of  the  Treasury,   Alexander 

243 


244  APPENDIX  D. 

Hamilton,  of  New  York,  to  February,  1795,  Olivei 
Wolcott,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  War,  Henry 
Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1795,  Timothy 
Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1796, 
James  McHenry,  of  Maryland;  Attorney-General^ 
Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to  January,  1794. 
William  Bradford,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December, 
1795,  Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster-General, 
.Joseph  Habersham,  of  Georgia. 

Third  Administration — Adams,  1 797- 1 80 1 . 

President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts ;  Vices 
president,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
i)f  State,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1800,  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Oliver  Wolcott,  of  Massachusetts, 
to  January,  1801;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Mc- 
Henry, of  Maryland,  to  May,  1800,  Roger  Gris- 
wold,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Cabot,  of  Massachusetts,  to  March,  1798^ 
Benj.  Stoddert,  of  Maryland  ;  Attorney-General, 
Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia,  to  February,  1801,  Theo 
Parsons,  of  Massachusetts;  Postmaster-General, 
Gideon  Granger,  of  Connecticut. 

Fourth  Administration — Jefferson,  1 80 1  - 1 805 . 

President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York;  Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania ; 


APPENDIX    D.  245 

(Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Robert  Smith, 
of  Maryland ;  Attorney-General,  Levi  Lincoln,  of 
Massachusetts. 

Fifth  Administration — Jefferson^  1805- 1 809. 

President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ;  Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Jacob  Crownin- 
shield,  of  Massachusetts ;  Attorney-General,  Robert 
Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1805,  John  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  to  January,  1807,  Caesar  A. 
Rodney,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sixth  Administration — Madison^  1 809- 1 8 1 3. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  April, 
1811,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Secre- 
tary of  War,  William  Eustis,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
January,  1813,  John  Armstrong,  of  New  York ; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Paul  Hamilton,  of  South 
Carolina,  to  January,  1813,  William  Jones,  of 
Pennsylvania ;  Attorney-General,  Caesar  A.  Rod- 
ney, of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1811,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland, 


246  APPENDIX   D. 

Seventh  Administration — Madison^  1813-1817. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Yice^ 
President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1814,  George  W.  Campbell,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  October,  1814,  Alex.  James  Dallas,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  October,  1816,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Monroe, 
to  August,  1815,  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  P.  Jones,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  December,  1814,  B.  W.  Crowninshield, 
of  Massachusetts;  Attorney -General,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland,  to  February,  1814,  Richard 
Rush,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Postmaster-General,  Return 
J.  Meigs,  of  Ohio. 

Eighth  Administration — Monroe,  1 8 1 7- 1 8  2 1 . 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  Isaac 
Shelby,  of  Kentucky,  to  April,  1817,  George 
Graham,  of  Virginia,  to  October,  1817,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
B.  W.  Crowninshield,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1818,  Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York;  Attor< 
ney-General,  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
November^  1817,  Wm.  Wirt,  of  Virginia. 


APPENDIX   D.  247 

Ninth  Administration — Monroe,  1 8  2 1  - 1 8  2  5 . 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President^  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Qaincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia ;  Secretary  of  War,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy^ 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  to  September, 
1823,  Samuel  L.  Southard,  of  New  Jersey ;  Attor- 
ney-General, William  Wirt,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, John  McLean,  of  Ohio. 

Tenth  Administration — jf.  Q.  Adams,  1 825-1 829. 

President,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts* 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Richard  Rush,  of  Penn- 
sylvania; Secretary  of  War,  James  Barbour,  of 
Virginia,  to  May,  1828,  Peter  B.  Porter,  of  New 
York  ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Samuel  L.  Southard, 
of  New  Jersey ;  Attorney-General,  William  Wirt, 
of  Virginia. 

Eleventh  Administration — Jackson,  1 829-1 833. 
President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee  ;  Vice- 
President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Martin  Van  Buren,  to  May, 
1831,  Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Samuel  D.  Ingham,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  August,  1831,  Louis  McLane,  of  DeUi- 


248  APPENDIX   D. 

ware ;  Secretary  of  War,  John  H.  Eaton,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  August,  1831,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  John  Branch,  of  North 
CaroUna,  to  May,  1831,  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New 
Hampshire;  Attorney-General,  John  M.  Berrien^ 
of  Georgia,  to  July,  1831,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of 
Maryland ;  Postmaster-General,  William  T.  Barry, 
of  Kentucky. 

Twelfth  Administration — yackson,  1 833-1837. 

President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee ;  Vice* 
President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York ;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Louis  McLane,  of  Delaware,  to 
June,  1834 ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William 
J.  Duane,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September,  1833 
Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  June,  1834,  Levi 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire ;  Secretary  of  War 
Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Loui? 
Woodbury,  of   New  Hampshire,  to  June,   1834 
Mahlon  Dickerson,   of   New  Jersey;  Postmaster 
General,  William  T.  Barry,  of  Kentucky,  to  May 
1835,    Amos   Kendall,   of   Kentucky;    Attorney 
General,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  Novem 
her,  1833,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York. 

Thirteenth  Administration — Va7i  Buren,  1 837-1 841. 

President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York; 
Vice-President,  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky ; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Forsyth,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary   of  the    Treasury,  Levi  Woodbury,  of 


APPENDIX   D.  249 

New  Hampshire ;  Secretary  of  War,  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  New  York,  to  March,  1837,  Joel  K. 
Poinsett,  of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Mahlon  Dickerson,  of  New  Jersey,  to  June, 
1838,  James  K.  Paulding,  of  New  Jersey;  Post- 
master-General, Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky,  to 
May,  1840,  John  M.  Niles,  of  Connecticut;  At- 
torney-General, Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York, 
to  July,  1838,  Felix  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  to 
January,  1840,  Henry  D.  Gilpin,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Fourteenth  Administration — Harrison,  Tyler,   1 841— 1845. 

President,  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio; 
Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary 
of  State,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1843,  Hugh  S.  Legare,  of  South  Carolina,  to 
July,  1843,  Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  March, 
1844,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  June,  1844,  George  M.  Bibb,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  War,  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  March,  1843,  James  M.  Porter,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1844,  then  William  Wilkens,  of 
t^ennsylvania ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  E. 
Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  to  September,  1841^ 
Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1843,  Daniel 
Henshaw,  of  Massachusetts,  to  February,  1844, 
Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  of  Virginia,  to  March,  1844, 


250  APPENDIX   D. 

then  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster- 
General,  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1841,  then  Charles  A.  Wickliflfe,  of  Ken- 
tucky; Attorney-General,  John  J.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  to  September,  1841,  Hugh  S.  Legare, 
of  South  Carolina,  to  July,  1843,  then  John  Nel- 
son, of  Maryland. 

Fifteenth  Administration — Polk,  1 845 - 1 849. 

President,  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee;  Vice- 
President,  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi ;  Secretary  of  War,  William 
L.  Marcy,  of  New  York ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  to  September, 
1846,  then  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ;  At- 
torney-General, John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  to 
October,  1846,  Nathan  Clifford,  of  Maine,  to  June, 
1848,  then  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut. 

Sixteenth   Administration —  Taylor,  Fillmore,    \  849- 1853, 

President,  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana;  Vice= 
President,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  John  M.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  to 
July,  1850,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
December,  1852,  then  Edward  Everett,  of  Massa- 
chusetts'; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  M. 
Meredith,  to  July,  1850,  then  Thomas  Corwin,  of 


APPENDIX   D.  251 

Ohio ;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  Crawford,  of 
Greorgia,  to  July  20,  1850,  Edward  Bates,  of  Mis- 
souri, to  July  23,  1850,  Winfield  Scott,  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  August,  1850,  then  Charles  M.  Conrad, 
of  Louisiana ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  B. 
Preston,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1850,  William  A. 
Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  to  July,  1852,  then 
John  P.  Kennedy,  of  Maryland  ;  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to  July,  1850, 
James  A.  Pierce,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1850. 
Thomas  M.  T.  McKennan,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
September,  1850,  then  Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart,  of 
Virginia;  Postmaster-General,  Jacob  Collamer,  of 
Vermont,  to  July,  1850,  Nathan  K.  Hall,  of  New 
fork,  to  August,  1852,  then  Samuel  D.  Hubbard, 
of  Connecticut ;  Attorney-General,  Reverdy  John- 
ion,  of  Maryland,  to  July,  1850,  then  John  J. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky. 

Seventeenth  Administration — Pierce,   1 8  5  3- 1 8  5  /. 

President,  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire; 
Vice-President,  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  L.  Marcy,  of  New 
York ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  James  Guthrie, 
of  Kentucky ;  Secretary  of  War,  Jefferson  Davis, 
of  Mississippi ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  James  C. 
Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina ;  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior, Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan ;  Post- 
master-General, James  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania; 
A.ttorney-General,  Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts. 


252  APPENDIX   D. 

Eighteenth  Administration — Buchanan,  185 7- 1861. 

President,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvaniit, 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  State,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  to 
March,  1857,  then  Jeremiah  Black,  of  Pennsylva- 
nia ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  of 
Georgia,  to  December,  1860,  Phillip  F.  Thomas, 
of  Maryland,  to  January,  1861,  then  John  A.  Dix, 
of  New  York;  Secretary  of  War,  John  B.  Floyd, 
of  Virginia,  to  January,  1861,  then  Joseph  Holt, 
of  Kentucky;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Isaac 
Toucey,  of  Connecticut ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Jacob  Thompson ;  Postmaster-General,  Aaron  V. 
Brown,  of  Tennessee,  to  March,  1859,  Joseph 
Holt,  of  Kentucky,  to  February,  1861,  then  Hora- 
tio King,  of  Maine;  Attorney-General,  Jeremiah 
S-  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1860,  then 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Nineteenth  Administration — Lincoln^  1 86 1 - 1 865 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  IlHnois;  Vice- 
President,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine ;  Secretary 
of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York ;  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohioj 
to  July,  1864,  then  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  of 
Maine;  Secretary  of  War,  Simon  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  January,  1862,  then  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  o^  che 
Interior,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  to  January^ 


APPENDIX  D.  253 

1863,  then  John  P.  Usher,  of  Indiana;  Postmaster- 
General,  Montgomerj  Blair,  of  Maryland,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1864,  then  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio; 
Attorney-General,  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  to 
June,  1863,  T.  J.  Coffey,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  De- 
cember, 1864,  then  James  Speed,  of  Kentucky. 

Twentieth  Administration — Lincoln,  yohnson,  1865=1869 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Vice 
President,  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ;  Secre 
tary  of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Hugh  McCuUoch,  of 
Indiana;  Secretary  of  War,  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  August,  1867,  U.  S.  Grant,  of 
Illinois,  to  February,  1868,  Lorenzo  Thomas,  of 
Delaware,  to  May,  1868,  then  John  M.  Schofield, 
of  Illinois ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Gideon  Welles, 
of  Connecticut ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  John  P. 
Lusher,  of  Indiana,  to  May,  1865,  James  Harlan, 
of  Iowa,  to  July,  1866,  then  0.  H.  Browning,  of 
Illinois;  Postmaster-General,  William  Dennison, 
of  Ohio,  to  July,  1866,  then  Alexander  W.  Ran- 
dall, of  Wisconsin;  Attorney-General,  James  Speed, 
of  Kentucky,  to  July,  1866,  Henry  Stanberry,  of 
Ohio,  to  July,  1868,  then  William  M.  Evarts,  of 
New  York. 

Twenty-first  Administration —  Grant,  1 869- 1873. 

President,  U.  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Schuyler  Colfax^  of  Indiana;  Secretary  of 


254  APPENDIX  D. 

State,  E.   B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,   to   March, 

1869^  then  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts; Secretary  of  War,  John  A.  Rawlins, 
of  Illinois,  to  September,  1869,  then  William  T„ 
Sherman,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1869,  then  William 
W.  Belknap,  of  Iowa;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  June,  1869, 
then  George  M.  Robeson,  of  New  Jersey;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  to  No- 
vember, 1870,  then  Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio; 
Postmaster-General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Mary- 
land; Attorney-General,  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  to  June,  1870,  Amos  T.  Akerman. 
of  Georgia,  to  December,  1861,  then  George  H. 
WilliamSj.  of  Oregon. 

Twenty-second  Administration — Grant,   1 873-1 877. 

President,  U.  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Yice-Presi- 
(rfent,  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts;  Secretary 
of  State,  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  William  A.  Richardson,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  June,  1874,  Benjamin  F.  Bristow, 
of  Kentucky,  to  June,  1876,  then  Lot  M.  Morrill, 
of  Maine;  Secretary  of  War,  William  W.  Belknap, 
of  Iowa,  to  March,  1876,  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio, 
to  May,  1876,  then  Donald  Cameron,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  M.  Robe 
son,  of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1875,  thett 


APPENDIX  a  255 

Zachariah  Chandler,  of  Michigaxi;  Postmaster- 
General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  to 
August,  1874,  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  tc 
July,  1876,  then  James  M.  Tyner,  of  Indiana; 
Attorney-General,  George  H.  Williams,  of  Oregon, 
to  April,  1875,  Edward  Pierrepont,  of  New  York, 
to  May,  1876,  then  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio. 

Twenty-third  Administration — -Hayes ^  1 8 7 /- 1 8 8 1 . 

President,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  M.  Evarts,  of  New 
York;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  John  Sherman, 
^f  Ohio;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  McCrary, 
jf  Iowa,  to  December,  1879,  then  Alexander 
Ramsey,  of  Minnesota;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  to  January, 
1881,  then  Nathan  Goff,  of  West  Virginia;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri; 
Postmaster-General,  David  McKey,  of  Tennessee, 
to  August,  1880,  then  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennes- 
see; Attorney-General,  Charles  Devens,  of  Ma»sa- 
chusetts. 

Twenty -fourth  Administration — Garfield ^  Arthttr, 
1881-1885. 

President,  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  to 
September,   1881,   then  Frederick  Frelinghuysen, 


256  APPENDIX  a 

of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Wil- 
liam Windom,  of  Minnesota,  to  September,  1881, 
then  Charles  Folger,  of  New  York;  Secretary  of 
War,  Robert  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  William  L.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  to 
April,  1882,  then  William  Chandler,  of  New 
Hampshire ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Samuel  J 
Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  to  April,  1882,  then  Henry  F. 
Teller,  of  Colorado ;  Postmaster-General,  Thomas 
L.  James,  of  New  York,  to  October,  1881,  Timothy 
0.  Howe,  of  Wisconsin,  to  October,  1883,  then 
Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana ;  Attorney-General 
Wayne  McYeagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September 
1881,  then  Benjamin  H.  Brewster,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Twenty-fifth  Administration — Cleveland,  Hendricks, 
i88s-i888. 

President,  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York ;  (the 
Vice-Presidency  is  vacant,  by  reason  of  the  death 
of  Mr.  Hendricks;)  Secretary  of  State,  Thomas 
Francis  Bayard,  of  Delaware ;  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Charles  S.  Fairchild,  of  New  York ;  Sec- 
retary of  War,  William  C.  Endicott,  of  Massachu- 
setts; Postmaster-General,  William  F.  Vilas,  of 
Wisconsin;  Attorney-General,  Augustus  H.  Gar- 
land, of  Arkansas  ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William 
C.  Whitney,  of  New  York ;  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior, Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi.  Mr. 
Fairchild  succeeded  Daniel  H.  Manning  as  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  Don.  M.  Dickinson,  of  Mich- 
igan, succeeded  Mr.  Vilas  as  Postmaster-General. 
Mr.  Vilas  succeeded  Mr.  Lamar  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  Mr.  Lamar  was  elevated  to  the  Supreme 
Court. 


AITENDIX    D.  257 


Twenty-sixth   Administration — Harrison^   Morton j 
1889-1893. 

President,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Indiana;  Vice- 
President,  Levi  P.  Morton,  New  York ;  Secretary 
of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  Maine ;  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  William  Windom,  Minnesota  (de- 
ceased), succeeded  by  Charles  Foster,  Ohio;  Sec- 
retary of  War,  Bedfield  Proctor,  Vermont  (re- 
signed), succeeded  by  Stephen  B.  Elkins,  West 
Virginia ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Benjamin  F. 
Tracy,  New  York ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
John  W.  Noble,  Missouri ;  Postmaster-General, 
John  Wanamaker,  Pennsylvania;  Secretary  of 
Agriculture,  Jeremiah  M.  Busk,  Wisconsin; 
Attorney-General,  William  He  H.  Miller,  In- 
diana. 

Twenty-seventh  Administratio^i —  Cleveland,  Stevenson^ 
1893-1897. 

President,  Grover  Cleveland,  New  York ;  Vice- 
President,  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  Illinois ;  Secretary 
of  State,  Richard  Olney,  Massachusetts ;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  John  G.  Carlisle,  Kentucky;  Sec- 
retary of  War,  Daniel  S.  Lamont,  New  York ;  At- 
torney-General, Judson  Harmon,  Ohio;  Postmaster- 
General,  William  L.  Wilson,  West  Virginia ;  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  Hilary  A.  Herbert,  Alabama; 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Hoke  Smith,  Georgia; 
Secretary  of  Agriculture,  J.  Sterling  Morton,  Ne- 
braska. 
R 


258  APPENDIX  D. 

Twenty-eighth  Administration — McKinley  and  Hobarty 
1897-1901. 

President,  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio ;  Vice- 
President,  Gafirrett  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey  ;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  succeeded 
by  William  E..  Day,  of  Ohio,  who  was  succeeded 
by  John  Hay,  of  Illinois ;  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury, Lyman  J.  Gage,  of  Illinois ;  Secretary  of 
War,  Russell  A.  Alger,  of  Michigan,  succeeded  by 
Elihu  Root,  of  New  York;  Attorney-General, 
Joseph  McKenna,  of  California,  succeeded  by 
John  W.  Griggs,  of  New  Jersey  ;  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, Jam;  3  A.  Gary,  of  Maryland,  succeeded  by 
Charles  Emory  Smith,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  John  D.  Long,  of  Massachusetts ; 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  of 
New  York,  succeeded  by  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock, 
of  Missouri ;  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  James  Wil- 
son, of  Iowa. 


Appendix  E 

THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION. 


The  Presidential  Election  will  take  place  on 
Tuesday,  November  6,  1900.  The  Constitution 
prescribes  that  each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such 
manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a 
number  of  electors  equal  to  the  whole  number  of 
Senators  and  Eepresentatives  to  which  the  State 
may  be  entitled  in  Congress.  For  the  election  this 
year,  the  electors  by  States  will  be  as  follows  -. 


States. 


Electoral  Votes. 


Mabama 11 

Arkansas 8 

California 9 

Colorado 4 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware S 

Florida 4 

Georgia 13 

Idaho 3 

Illinois 24 

Indiana 15 

Iowa 13 

Kansas 10 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 8 

Maine 6 

Maryland 8 

Ma8sachusetts 15 

Michigan 14 

Minnesota 8 

Mississippi 9 

Missouri 17 

Montana 3 

Nebraska 8 


States.  Electoral  Votes. 

Nevada 3 

New  Hampshire 4 

New  Jersey 10 

New  York 36 

North  Carolina U 

North  Dakota 3 

Ohio 23 

Oregon 4 

Pennsylvania 32 

Rhode  Island 4 

South  Carolina 9 

South  Dakota 4 

Tennessee 12 

Texas 15 

Utah 3 

Vermont 4 

Virginia 12 

Washington 4 

West  Virginia 6 

Wisconsin 12 

Wyoming 3 


447 


Necessjary  to  a  choice,  224. 


259 


260  APPENDIX   B. 

No  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding 
an  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  an  elector.      In  all  the  States,  the  laws 
thereof  direct  that  the  people  shall  choose  the  eleo« 
tors.     The  Constitution  requires  that  the  day  when 
electors  are  chosen  shall  be  the  same  throughout 
the  United  States.    The  electors  shall  meet  in  their 
respective  States  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  Decem- 
ber, and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, one  of  whom  at  leaat  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  State  with  themselves.      They 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  ai 
President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted 
for  as  Vice-President;  and  they  shall  make  dis- 
tinct lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  7ice- President,  and  of 
the  number  of  votes  for  each;  which  lists  they 
shall   sign   and    certify  and  transmit,  sealed,  ti 
Washington,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Sen 
ate,  before  the  first  Wednesday  in  January.     On 
the  second  Wednesday  in  February,  the  President 
of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certifi- 
cates, and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.     The 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  Presi 
dent  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  aumber  shall  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ; 
and  if  no  person  have  such  a  majority,  then  froii) 
the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  ex- 
ceeding three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as 


APPENDIX  B.  261 

President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
choose,  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But 
in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote  shall  be  taken 
by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State 
having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds 
of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President  when- 
ever the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them, 
before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following, 
then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as 
in  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disa- 
bility. The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on 
the  list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President; 
a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds 
of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 
No  person,  except  a  natural-born  citizen  or  a  citi> 
zen  of  the  United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the 
office  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person  be 
eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years.  The  qualifications 
for  Vice-President  are  the  same. 


Appendix  F. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
OF  AMEEICA. 

We  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  in- 
sure domestic  Tranquility,  provide  for  the  com^ 
men  defence,  promote  the  general  Welfare,  and 
secure  the  Blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  Posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this 
Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

Article  I. 

Section  1.  All  legislative  Powers  herein  granted 
shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives. 

Sec,  2.  1  The  House  of  Representatives  shall 
be  composed  of  Members  chosen-  every  second  year 
by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  Elec- 
tors in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications 
requisite  for  Electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch 
of  the  State  Legislature. 

2  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall 
not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years 
and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  United  States, 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant 
of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

262 


APPENDIX  263 

S  Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  shall  be  ap* 
portioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be 
included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  re- 
spective numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by 
adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  includ- 
ing those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and 
excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other 
persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made 
within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every 
subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as 
they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  Number  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  30,000, 
but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Represen- 
tative ;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made, 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  td 
choose  three;  Massachusetts,  eight;  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantation,  one ;  Connecticut,  five , 
New  York,  six ;  New  Jersey,  four ;  Pennsylvania, 
eight ;  Delaware,  one  ;  Maryland,  six ;  Virginia, 
ten;  North  Carolina,  five;  South  Carolina,  fivej 
and  Georgia,  three. 

4  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  Representation 
from  any  State,  the  executive  authority  thereof 
shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

5  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose 
their  Speaker  and  other  officers ;  and  shall  have 
the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Sec.  3.  1  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  composed  of   two   senators    from   each    Statie, 


264  APPENDIX 

chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six  years: 

and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in 
consequence  of  the  first  election,  they  shall  be 
divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of 
the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year, 
and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth 
year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every  second 
year ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or 
otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of 
any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make 
temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of 
the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3  No  person  shall  be  a  senator  who  shall  not 
have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been 
nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who 
shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  President  of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote, 
unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and 
also  a  President  pro-tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the 
Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try 
all  impeachments.  When  sitting  for  that  purpose, 
they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.     When  thfl 


APPENDIX  265 

President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief 
justice  shall  preside :  And  no  person  shall  be  con- 
victed without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

7  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not 
extend  further  than  to  removal  from  office,  and  dis- 
qualification to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of  honor, 
trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States;  but  the 
party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and 
(Subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment  and  punish- 
ment, according  to  law. 

Sec.  4.  1  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  hold- 
ing elections  for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall 
be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  legislature 
thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law 
make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the 
places    f  choosing  senators. 

2  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in 
every  year,  and  such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first 
Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law 
appoint  a  different  day. 

Sec.  5.  1  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of 
the  election,  returns  and  qualifications  of  its  own 
members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a 
quorum  to  do  business  ;  but  a  smaller  number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized 
to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members,  in 
such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
House  may  provide. 

2  Each  House   may  determine  the  rules  of  it0 


266  APPENDIX 

proceedings,  punish  its  members  for  dieorderly 
behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds, 
expel  a  member. 

3  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, and  from  time  to  time  publish  the  siime, 
excepting  such  parts asmay  in  their  judgmentrequire 
secrecy  ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of 
one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4  Neither  House  during  the  session  of  Congress, 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for 
more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than 
that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Sec.  6.  1  The  senators  and  representatives  shall 
receive  a  compensation  for  their  services,  to  be 
ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except 
treason,  felony  and  breach  of  peace,  be  privileged 
from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  oi 
their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  return- 
ing  from  the  same;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any 
other  place. 

2  No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the 
time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any 
civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emolumentj 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such 
time ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  th« 
United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  Houw 
during  his  continuance  in  office. 


APPENDIX  267 

Sec.  7.  1  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  but  the 
Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendment* 
as  on  other  bills. 

2  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it 
becomes  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but 
if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that 
House  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who 
shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal 
and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  recon- 
sideration two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to 
pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the 
objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which  it  shall 
likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two- 
thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But 
in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be 
determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of 
the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be 
entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively. 
If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall 
have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law, 
in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the 
Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return, 
in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3  Every  order,  resolution  or  vote  to  which  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives may  be  necessary  (except  a  question  of 


268  APPENDIX 

adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall 
take  effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  dis- 
approved by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in 
the  case  of  a  bill. 

Sec,  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power 

1  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and 
excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States ; 

3  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 
and  among  the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian 
tribes ; 

4  To  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization, 
and  uniform  laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies 
throughout  the  United  States ; 

5  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof, 
and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures ; 

6  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeit- 
ing the  securities  and  current  coin  of  the  United 
States ; 

7  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

8  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful 
•rts,  by  securing  for  limited  times  to  authors  and 


Ar?ENDix  269 

inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective 
writings  and  discoveries ; 

9  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme 
Court ; 

10  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  seas,  and  offences  against 
the  law  of  nations ; 

11  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning  captures  on 
land  and  water ; 

12  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appro* 
priation  of  money  to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer 
term  than  two  years ; 

13  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy ; 

14  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regu- 
lation of  the  land  and  naval  forces ; 

15  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to 
execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrec- 
tions and  repel  invasions ; 

16  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  dis- 
ciplining the  militia,  and  for  governing  such  part 
of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively, 
the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority 
of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline 
prescribed  by  Congress ; 

17  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten 
miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the 


270  APPENDIX 

seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased 
by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful 
buildings ;  and 

18  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary 
and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  thig 
Constitution,  in  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Sec.  9.  1  The  migration  or  importation  of  such 
persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall 
think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by 
the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  im- 
posed on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dol- 
lars for  each  person. 

2  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corptis  shall 
not  be  suspended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion 
or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 

3  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  jpost  facto  law  shall 
be  passed. 

4  No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax,  shall  be 
laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census  or  enumera- 
tion herein  before  directed  to  be  taken. 

5  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  ex- 
ported from  any  State. 

6  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regula- 
tion of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one 


APPENDIX  271 

State  over  those  of  another ;  nor  shall  vessels  bound 
to,  or  from  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or 
pay  duties  in  another. 

7  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury, 
but  in  consequence  of  appropriations  made  by  law; 
and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall 
be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the 
United  States :  And  no  person  holding  any  office 
ot  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from 
any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Sec.  10.  1  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty, 
alliance,  or  confederation ;  grant  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit  i)ills  of  credit ; 
make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender 
in  payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex 
post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obl%ation  of 
contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or 
exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary 
for  executing  its  inspection  laws ;  and  the  net  pro- 
duce of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State 
on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the 
Treasury  of  the  tlnited  States ;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  th« 
Congreas. 


272  APPENDIX 

3  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Con- 
gress, lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops,  ot 
ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agree- 
ment or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a 
foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually 
invaded  J  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not 
admit  of  delay. 

Article  II. 

Sec.  1.  1  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested 
in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four 
^ears,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen 
for  the  same  term,  be  elected,  as  follows : 

2  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as 
the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of 
electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators 
md  representatives,  to  which  the  State  may  be 
entitled  in  the  Congress  :  but  no  senator  or  repre- 
sentative, or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or 
profit  under  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector. 

[*The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective 
States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom 
one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same 
State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number 
of  votes  for  each ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and 
certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  govern- 

^  This  clause  within  braoketa  bM  beeu  auperteded  Mud  MinulM  bj  tkr 
Ivrelfth  ameudment. 


APPENDIX  273 

ment  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  Presi- 
dent  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the 
votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than 
one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal 
number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representa* 
tives  shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of 
them  for  President;  and  if  no  person  have  a  ma- 
jority, then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the 
said  House  shall,  in  like  manner,  choose  the  Presi- 
dent. But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  voteg 
shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from 
each  State  having  one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  pur 
pose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the 
States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every 
case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person 
haying  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  elec- 
tors, shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there 
should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes, 
the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot,  the 
Vice-President.] 

3  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of 
choosing  the  electors,  and  the  day  on  which  they 
shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall  be  the  sam^ 
throughout  the  United  States. 


274  APPENDIX 

4  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to 
the  office  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person 
be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years  and  been  fourteen 
years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

5  In  ca>se  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from 
office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  dis- 
charge the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the 
same  shall  devolve  on  the  Yice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring  what 
officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be 
removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

6  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive 
for  his  services,  a  compensation,  which  shall  neither 
be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for 
which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not 
receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument 
from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

7  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office, 
he  shall  take  the  following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will 
faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States." 


APPENDIX  275 

Sec.  2.  1  The  President  shall  be  coramander» 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States; 
he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the 
principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of 
their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to 
grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the 
United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2  He  shall  have  power  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  pro- 
vided two-thirds  of  the  senators  present  concur; 
tnd  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambas- 
sadors, other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges 
t)f  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 
lished by  law  ;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the 
appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think 
proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law. 
or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3  The  President  shall  have  power  io  fill  up  all 
vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire 
at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sec,  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  ine 
Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and 
recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 


276  APPENDIX 

he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may, 
on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses, 
or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement 
between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjourn- 
ment, he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he 
shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors 
and  other  public  ministers  ;  he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commis- 
sion all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President  and  all 
civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  removed 
from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and  conviction  of, 
treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors. 

Article  III. 

Sec.  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  Statei 
shall  be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  suc6 
inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to 
time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the 
supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times, 
receive  for  their  service  a  compensation,  which 
shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance 
in  office. 

Sec.  2.  1  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all 
cases,  in  law  and  equity,  arising  under  this  Consti- 
tution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treatiea 
made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority; 
to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  min^ 


APPENDIX  277 

iflters  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and 
maritime  jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which 
the  United  States  shall  be  a  party ;  to  controver- 
sies between  two  or  more  States ;  between  a  State 
and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of 
different  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State 
claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign 
States,  citizens  or  subjects. 

2  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  ©ther  public 
ministers  and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State 
shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original 
jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned, 
the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction, 
both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

3  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment, shall  be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall 
be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall 
have  been  committed;  but  when  not  committed 
within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or 
places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Sec.  3.  1  Treason  against  the  United  States 
flhall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or 
in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and 
comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason 
unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the 
same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the 
punishment  of  treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason 


278  APPENDIX 

shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

Article    IV. 

Sec.  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in 
each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial 
proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Con< 
gress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner 
in  which  such  acts,  records  and  proceedings  shall 
be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Sec.  2.  1  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be 
entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens 
in  the  several  States. 

2  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason, 
felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice, 
And  be  found  in  another  State,  shall  on  demand  of 
the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the 
State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

3  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  an- 
other, shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regula- 
tion therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the 
party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Sec.  3.  1  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the 
Congress  into  this  Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall 
be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
other  State ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junc- 
tion of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  with- 


APPENBIX  279 

out  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States 
concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect- 
ing the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to 
the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitu- 
tion shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Sec.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to 
every  State  in  this  Union  a  Republican  form  of 
government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or 
of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be 
convened)  against  domestic  violence. 

Article  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both 
Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose 
amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  appli- 
cation of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  shall  call  a  Convention  for  proposing 
amendments,  w^hich,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution, when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in 
three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode 
of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress ; 
Provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made 
prior  to  the  year  1808  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of 


280  APPENDIX 

the  first  article ;  and  that  no  State,  without  it« 
^fonsent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in 
the  Senate, 

Article  VI. 

1  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered 
into,  before  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall 
be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this 
Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof; 
and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  the  Judges  in 
every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  ir 
the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  con 
trary  notwithstanding. 

3  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  men- 
tioned,  and  the  members  of  the  several  State  Legis- 
latures, and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall 
be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation,  to  support  this 
Constitution;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be 
required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public 
trust  under  the  United  States. 

Article  VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine 
States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establishment  of 
this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying 
the  same. 


APPENDIX  181 

Doiri  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  States  present  the  17th  day  of  Septem- 
ber in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have 
hereunto  subscribed  our  names, 

Geo.  Washington, 
President  and  deputy  from  Virginia* 

New  Hampshire. 
John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman- 

Massachusetts. 
Nathaniel  Gorham^     Rufus  King, 

Connecticut. 
Wm  SamL  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

New  York. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey. 
Wil.  Livingston,  David  Brearley, 

William  Paterson,       Jonathan  DaytOD^ 

F^nnsylvania. 
B.  Franklin,  Thomas  Mifflin, 

Robert  Morris,  George  Clymer, 

Thomas  Fitzsimons,    Jared  IngersoU, 
James  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morrie. 

Delaware. 
Greorge  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jun'r. 

John  Dickinson,      Richard  Bassett. 
Jacob  Broom, 


282  APRiNMI 

Maryland. 
James  M'Henrj,      Dan.  of  St.  Thos.  Jenifer. 
Daniel  Carroll, 

Vwginia. 

John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina. 
William  Blount,      Richard  Dobbs  Spaight. 
Hugh  Williamson, 

Shuth  Carolina. 
J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 

Charles  Pincknej,  Pierce  Butler. 

Georgia. 
William  Few,  Abr.  Baldwin. 

Attest :  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 


Articles  in  /i;)i)iTioN  to,  and  Amendment  of  the 

CONSTITU;  fON  OF  THE  UnITED  StATES  OF  AMERICA. 

Proposed  by  Congress  and  ratified  by  the  Legisla- 
tures of  'ihe  several  States,  pursuant  to  the  fifth 
article  o)   the  original  Constitution. 

Article  I. 
Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estate 
lishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press;  i>r  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to 
aesemblo,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  re- 
ir^E6  Df  p;rievances. 


AFPBNDII  283 

Article  II. 

A  well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the 
security  of  a  free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to 
keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

Article  III. 
No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered 
in  any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner, 
nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed 
by  law. 

Article  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  per- 
sons, houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreason- 
able searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated, 
and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable 
cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particu- 
larly describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the 
person  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital, 
or  otherwise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  present* 
ment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except  in 
cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or 
public  danger ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for 
the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
life  or  limb ;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  crimi- 
nal case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 


284  APPENDIX 

I^^Dceoe  of  law ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taXen 
for  public  use,  without  just  compensation. 

Article  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall 
enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an 
impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein 
the  crime  sheJl  have  been  committed,  which  district 
shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  ac- 
cusation; to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtain- 
ing witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance 
of  eounsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  VII. 

In  euits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  con 
troversy  shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of 
trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried 
by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any 
court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the 
rules  (rf  the  common  law. 

Article  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  exces- 
sive fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punish- 
ments inflicted. 

Article  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain 
rights,  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage 
#ther»  retained  by  the  people. 


APPENDIX  285 

Article  X. 
The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the   Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
State,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to 
the  people. 

Article  XI. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not 
be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity, 
commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United 
States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens 
or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

Article  XII. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  Statei^ 
and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant 
of  the  same  State  with  themselves ;  they  shall 
name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Presi- 
dent, and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
Vice-President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  Vice-PrCvsident,  and  of  the 
number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall 
gign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to 
the  President  of  the  Senate  ;  the  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and 
the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ;  the  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall 


286 


APPENDIX 


be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed  ;  and  if 
no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the 
persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding 
three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President, 
the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immedi- 
ately, by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
the  representation  from  each  State  having  one 
vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a 
member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States, 
and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary 
to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representative! 
shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of 
choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth 
day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the 
President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person 
have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers 
on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of 
two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  senators,  and  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary 
to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  in- 
eligible to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible 
to  tiiat  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


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